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Der Beitrag dokumentiert die Diskussion auf der "Author Meets Critic"-Veranstaltung zu John Urrys "Sociology Beyond Societies" auf dem 32. Kongress der Deutschen Gesellschaft für Soziologie (2004). Zunächst erläutert Urry den Grundgedanken seines Ansatzes, der auf eine Aufhebung der Trennung zwischen Naturwissenschaften und Gesellschaftswissenschaften hinausläuft. Unter dem Leitbild "Komplexität" wird die Analyse physischer und sozialer Welten integriert. Dabei werden auch Elemente von Hardt/Negris "Empire und Multitude"-Konzept aufgegriffen. Der Begriff der Globalen Komplexität steht auch im Mittelpunkt der Kommentare von Junge und Schwengel zu Urrys Buch. (ICE)

In a discussion of Oakeshott's early influence by Hegel & British idealists, the author of this chapter delineates Oakeshott's critiques of the liberalist conceptualization of the individual relative to the purposive nature it imposes on the state (Leo Strauss, Rousseau, Hegel, Bosanquet, Green). The intellectual evolution to a Hobbesian skepticism of authority & individuals allows for a synthesis of Hobbes & Hegel to further critique liberal atomism by arguing for a socially constructed individual with rights to her choices, in an environment of government limited to the creation of peace. Liberal democracy is recognized as the best form of social integration yet developed. In his later work, "On Human Conduct," Oakeshott places his concept of the individual embedded in civil association to allow for moral practices that are chosen because of a "freedom inherent in agency." The atomism of liberal political philosophy has thus been overcome, but Oakeshott still lacks an Aristotelian moral dignity that would generate allegiance to the political community. 22 References. J. Harwell

An exploration of ethnicity, economic growth, & governance in which the author discusses how ethnicity has affected the transition to democratic governance & Africa's position in the global economy. The author also addresses issue of citizenship & modernization.

The author discusses the state of Ukrainian media in the years preceding the Orange Revolution, as well as the media revolution that accompanied, & furthered the victory of, the Orange Revolution. While the early 1990s witnessed a growth in the number of independent media outlets, the late 1990s & early 2000s saw a reversal of that trend. The author discusses two incidences, the Gongadze Case (2001) & the exposure of the temnyky documents (2000-2003) that reflected the resurgence of media censorship. The author then examines how censorship affected different media, including print media, television, internet, & radio, & provides a list of some of the unfair actions taken against the Ukrainian media. Finally, the author explores how journalism & the media changed during the Orange Revolution. J. Harwell

In the final chapter of the collection, the author suggests that an alternative research agenda should be developed, one that focuses on generating information with "practical relevance to conflict prevent." After discussing the weaknesses of the current orthodoxy on violent conflict and conflict prevention in sub-Saharan Africa, the author addresses the major challenges faced by conflict prevention. Finally, the author concludes by exploring why a focus on violence and agency rather than conflict and cause is necessary, and how the tenants of cultural studies and post-modern sociology can be applied.

The author provides an analysis of the United State's unilateral & hegemonic approach to foreign policy regarding Iraq in the context of the challenges it poses to the multilateral legal order constructed over the past decades. Despite the US invasion of Iraq, the author offers reasons why multilateralism may yet survive. D. Miller

The author compares the conditions that produced the Serbian, Georgian, & Ukrainian Revolutions. Seven commonalities are addressed: the existence of a semi-autocratic regime with an unpopular leader, a division between the intelligence forces, the military, & police; a strong & well organized opposition that can mobilize the population for large demonstrations; a way to create & transmit perceptions of a fraudulent election; & an independent media that can inform citizen about the vote. The discussion also includes references to similarities in the Kyrgyzstan Revolution. The author concludes with a discussion of additional, necessary conditions specific to each country & the path-dependant legacies that will affect them. Finally, the author asks whether the Orange revolution was actually a revolution. J. Harwell

In this chapter, the author examines the changes made to America's national security strategy in the wake of 9/11. The author argues that the Bush Doctrine has caused more damage to both US & international security than it has to improve these issues. The embrace of preventive war, unilateralism, & militarism has damaged the traditional fabrics of international relations. D. Miller

The author analyzes the use & rhetoric of 'conflict prevention' in Africa. In the post-cold war era the notion of conflict prevention, became a popular one among politicians as well as political scientists. The notion was then picked up by African policy makers & diplomats as a way to garner outside support to fight continental conflict. However, the structure of African government made it relative ineffective. In this chapter, the author analyzes the concept of conflict prevention & how it has been used in Africa, focusing on the work of the continent's inter-governmental institutions. These institutions, run by political elites, represent some of the more powerful institutions on the continent. The author prefaces this discussion with comments on the concept of conflict prevention & mediation.

The author asks why the design and establishment of political institutions can sometimes contribute to the collapse of peace agreements and power sharing regimes, and further the development of centralized institutional arrangements. Focusing on institutional design after civil war, the author suggests that peace implementation should be viewed as a two phase process. The short term phase centers around confidence building phase, while the long term phase is focuses on security building. The challenges facing rival parties in the both phases are addressed, followed by a discussion of the way these challenges create strain and affect the commitments made to support an agreement. Finally, the author takes the long view, examining how the two step processes affects long term institutional design.

The author discusses the lack of communication between African policy makers & regionalist researches in investigating, understanding, predicting, & preventing violent conflict in Africa. The author argues that collaboration between these groups is necessary, & that the first step towards collaboration is to identify research topics relevant to both groups. Research into conflict prolonging factors can serve as a starting point for mutual engagement. She then addresses both opportunities & obstacles for cooperation.

The author presents a political analysis of violent conflict in Africa, focusing on two theoretical explanations. The first suggests that violence is part of the political & social development of a nation. The second focuses on features of modernization that might make Africa more "prone" to violence than other continents. Within this discussion the author focuses on: the nature of power in Africa, the links between politics & violence, & issues related to rationality & modernity. Adapated from the source document

In this chapter the author explores the impact of pre-emptive strategies that have emerged since 9/11 on human rights. A discussion on the history of international law & human rights is provided before the author turns to an analysis of both US & UK actions that call into question their devotion to human rights issues. Concludes by arguing that the Bush Doctrine's focus on national security & responding to threats, limited an opportunity to increase human rights around the world. D. Miller

Structural changes in demand and supply sectors within the Ukrainian labor market in late 1990s caused a phenomenon of reconsideration of an usual career of wage or salaried worker as the only one possible and acceptable. In search of work with satisfactory reward almost 10% of Ukrainians turned to self-employ ment — a new working activity with neither state nor research experience of dealing with. These people are neither considered as unemployed nor as entrepreneurs by themselves. The author is engaged in a problem of self-employment as a new labor market perspective, trying to fill the methodological gap within the Ukrainian social and economic sciences by means of conceptualization of self-employment and entrepreneurship. The author has presented a clarification of the pointed central concepts, their theoretical and empirical meanings based on a profound categorical analysis. The most appropriate, from the sociological point of view, definition of selfemployment suggested by author after generalization of Ukrainian, Russian, and foreign scientific resources would be important for consideration in further statistical and sociological survey of self-employment and its socio-economic interpretations.

The focus of this chapter is the rise of Indian, rural-based farmer led social movements, & their relationship to poverty & economic reform. These movements, among others, were labeled "new social movements" because they organized sections of the population that had never been organized, & because they developed new concepts & strategies to push their agenda. The political & economic conditions in post-independence India & the government's neglect of the nation's poor are considered the movements' spark. In addition, the author reviews the evolution of the movements' positions on rural poverty, exploitation, & economic liberalization. Finally, the author reviews the progress of poverty reduction in India. K. Hyatt Stewart