Suchergebnisse

Este artigo explora o impacto que as políticas de cariz mercantil têm tido no futebol, procurando evidenciar a forma como os clubes têm assimilado as profundas transformações económicas, políticas, sociais e culturais das últimas décadas. Depois de se analisar criticamente o atual estado do debate teórico sobre futebol e sociedade, discute-se em que medida a política de governação do Athletic de Bilbao pode ser concebida como uma forma de resistência contra-hegemónica face aos crescentes processos de mercantilização que se têm vindo a impor no contexto do futebol. Desta forma, através do desafio às doutrinas dominantes, mostra-se que a pura mercantilização no futebol não deve ser entendida como uma inevitabilidade histórica.

1)-Today's idea of a cultural "Globalisation" represents a concept mainly coined in a network of strong political interests oriented to the effective cultural control all over the planet. Though seldom avowed, nevertheless we could easily gather some sound statements that seem to confirm the correctness of this interpretation. (-Jameson-Leach-Argan- Said –Maalouf-). 2)-Particularly in architectural fields a skilful stratagem underlying the reasoning that supports the idea of a Globalisation, is the ambiguous way of understanding the historical periods considered , and designations employed, so I think useful to reorganise all of them, in order to rid away almost every ambiguity(-Le Goff- Nesbit-Eisenman- Betts-) 3)- Specially some designations like "Modern Movement" that covers different things, what has been already recognised as being an "ambiguous umbrella", allows every interpretation and sustains every conclusion.(Nesbit ) 4)-So in a concrete way I am proposing the need to reed the evolution from the XV century until XX century, divided in two main Modernity's, (?) that I suppose more warrant then others because they are settled mainly in social-economic fields. 5)-The first one to be considered, covers all the period from the Renaissance until the end of XX century, and it is the Macro Paradigm of Anthropological Modernity. 6)-It includes the Minor Paradigm of Sociological Modernity that is a more specific one and comes with peculiar problems implied by the Industrial Revolution. 7)-They both include several main periods and some other micro periods like modernism and post-modernism which are precisely that: movements totally integrated on the Great Paradigms considered before. 8)-Nevertheless, XXI century witnesses to the birth of Post Modernity, which corresponds to another Macro Paradigm, that splits out all principles structuring the Paradigms existent until then. This means a new cultural and political consciousness spread all over the world. 9)- Trying to be aware of this new demanding era is perhaps the first step, a big one I think, to oppose the idea of a procrustean and sterilising "Globalisation". ; info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion

Objective: The present study examined the relations between leadership behaviors, cooperation with the coach and performance. The Multidimensional Model of Sports Leadership and the Conceptual Model of Sport Cooperation were employed. Method: Using a correlational method, 43 athletes from the sub-14 age group completed the preferred and actual version of the ELD, and the subscale of cooperation with the coach from the QCD-p. Moreover, three head coaches evaluated the 43 athletes with a performance questionnaire. Results: The results showed a positive correlation between democratic behaviours, training and instruction, and positive feedback with cooperation with the coach and performance. Conclusions: Given the findings, future research should delve in the verified relations and examine the existence of moderating, mediating variables in the results, by employing other methodologies and a more updated model of sports leadership.

In the last decades, a new trend of ministerial selection emerged in Southern Europe, with an increased number of appointees in party governments being recruited from outside the realm of politics. Also, the current financial crisis favoured the formation of a few technocratic cabinets. In this context, Southern European democracies are relevant cases for comparison, because expert and non-partisan ministers (usually described as the independents) are to be found in large numbers. This paper investigates the determinants of this pattern of ministerial recruitment, and in assessing the main hypothesis postulated in the literature, operationalises the analytical distinction between politicians and experts, establishing their number and evolution over time, and sketches a tentative profile of both ministerial types, highlighting a few significant differences and contrasts.

The term res publica (literally "thing of the people") was coined by the Romans to translate the Greek word politeia, which, as we know, referred to a political community organised in accordance with certain principles, amongst which the notion of the "good life" (as against exclusively private interests) was paramount. This ideal also came to be known as political virtue. To achieve it, it was necessary to combine the best of each "constitutional" type and avoid their worst aspects (tyranny, oligarchy and ochlocracy). Hence, the term acquired from the Greeks a sense of being a "mixed" and "balanced" system. Anyone that was entitled to citizenship could participate in the governance of the "public thing". This implied the institutionalization of open debate and confrontation between interested parties as a way of achieving the consensus necessary to ensure that man the political animal, who fought with words and reason, prevailed over his "natural" counterpart. These premises lie at the heart of the project which is now being presented under the title of Res Publica: Citizenship and Political Representation in Portugal, 1820-1926. The fact that it is integrated into the centenary commemorations of the establishment of the Republic in Portugal is significant, as it was the idea of revolution – with its promise of rupture and change – that inspired it. However, it has also sought to explore events that could be considered the precursor of democratization in the history of Portugal, namely the vintista, setembrista and patuleia revolutions. It is true that the republican regime was opposed to the monarchic. However, although the thesis that monarchy would inevitably lead to tyranny had held sway for centuries, it had also been long believed that the monarchic system could be as "politically virtuous" as a republic (in the strict sense of the word) provided that power was not concentrated in the hands of a single individual. Moreover, various historical experiments had shown that republics could also degenerate into Caesarism and different kinds of despotism. Thus, when absolutism began to be overturned in continental Europe in the name of the natural rights of man and the new social pact theories, initiating the difficult process of (written) constitutionalization, the monarchic principle began to be qualified as a "monarchy hedged by republican institutions", a situation in which not even the king was exempt from isonomy. This context justifies the time frame chosen here, as it captures the various changes and continuities that run through it. Having rejected the imperative mandate and the reinstatement of the model of corporative representation (which did not mean that, in new contexts, this might not be revived, or that the second chamber established by the Constitutional Charter of 1826 might not be given another lease of life), a new power base was convened: national sovereignty, a precept that would be shared by the monarchic constitutions of 1822 and 1838, and by the republican one of 1911. This followed the French example (manifested in the monarchic constitution of 1791 and in the Spanish constitution of 1812), as not even republicans entertained a tradition of republicanism based upon popular sovereignty. This enables us to better understand the rejection of direct democracy and universal suffrage, and also the long incapacitation (concerning voting and standing for office) of the vast body of "passive" citizens, justified by "enlightened", property- and gender-based criteria. Although the republicans had promised in the propaganda phase to alter this situation, they ultimately failed to do so. Indeed, throughout the whole period under analysis, the realisation of the potential of national sovereignty was mediated above all by the individual citizen through his choice of representatives. However, this representation was indirect and took place at national level, in the hope that action would be motivated not by particular local interests but by the common good, as dictated by reason. This was considered the only way for the law to be virtuous, a requirement that was also manifested in the separation and balance of powers. As sovereignty was postulated as single and indivisible, so would be the nation that gave it soul and the State that embodied it. Although these characteristics were common to foreign paradigms of reference, in Portugal, the constitutionalization process also sought to nationalise the idea of Empire. Indeed, this had been the overriding purpose of the 1822 Constitution, and it persisted, even after the loss of Brazil, until decolonization. Then, the dream of a single nation stretching from the Minho to Timor finally came to an end.