Resolving or Exacerbating Disputes? The WTO's New Dispute Resolution System
In: International affairs, Band 79, Heft 4, S. 783-800
ISSN: 1468-2346
In: International affairs, Band 79, Heft 4, S. 783-800
ISSN: 1468-2346
In: European foreign affairs review, Band 7, Heft 4, S. 507
ISSN: 1384-6299
In: Comparative political studies: CPS, Band 35, Heft 10, S. 1267-1270
ISSN: 0010-4140
In: Foreign affairs: an American quarterly review, Band 81, Heft 1, S. 216
ISSN: 2327-7793
In: American political science review, Band 96, Heft 4, S. 874
ISSN: 0003-0554
In: European Union politics: EUP, Band 3, Heft 1, S. 113-136
ISSN: 1465-1165
An article & two responses that discuss the establishment of an interdisciplinary perspective that combines legal theory & political science perspectives are presented. Rather than assert that such an interdisciplinary approach is feasible, Karen J. Alter contends that legal theory & political science perspectives can collaborate but are ultimately incompatible. Specifically, it is claimed that legal theory & political science are concerned with distinct enterprises, eg, whereas legal analysis is largely a normative endeavor, political science is primarily a positivist venture. Additional attention is directed toward discussing the different methodologies & styles of writing used in legal & political science scholarship. A rationale for encouraging collaboration between the two disciplinary approaches is also offered. In response, Renaud Dehousse questions the validity of Alter's contention that legal theory & political science are incompatible. It is subsequently asserted that the European integration movement necessitates scholars from both disciplines to incorporate methods from the other discipline since the European Union combines politics & law. In response, Georg Vanberg emphasizes the importance of Alter's argument yet suggests that legal theorists must dedicate additional attention to questions of empirical testing in comparative studies. Moreover, both legal theorists & political scientists are urged to examine the circumstances that provide authority to principled legal arguments. 28 References. J. W. Parker
In: European Union politics: EUP, Band 3, Heft 1, S. 113
ISSN: 1465-1165
In: European Union politics: EUP, Band 3, Heft 1, S. 113-136
ISSN: 1741-2757
In: International organization, Band 54, Heft 3, S. 489-518
ISSN: 0020-8183
In: International organization, Band 54, Heft 3, S. 489-518
ISSN: 0020-8183
Der Artikel beschreibt das Rechtssystem der Europäischen Union und dessen Auswirkungen auf die Innenpolitik und das Rechtssystem der Mitgliedsländer. Dabei steht die Institution des Europäischen Gerichtshofs im Mittelpunkt der Betrachtung. Unter welchen Umständen nutzen Staaten die internationale Rechtsprechung, um wiederum ihre Innenpolitik zu beeinflussen? Bei der Beantwortung dieser Frage beschreibt der Artikel unterschiedliche Wege, nach denen in der Regel die Rechtsprechung der Europäischen Union herangezogen wird (SWP-Drh)
World Affairs Online
In: International organization, Band 54, Heft 3, S. 489-518
ISSN: 1531-5088
Under what conditions do domestic actors use international legal mechanisms to influence domestic policy? Drawing on the European case, where legalization has progressed the furthest, I develop a generalizable framework for explaining variation in the use of the European Union's legal system by domestic actors to influence national policy. Four steps are involved in using the European legal process to pressure for policy change: (1) there must be a point of European law that creates legal standing and promotes the litigant's objectives; (2) litigants must embrace this law, adopting a litigation strategy; (3) a national court must refer the case to the European Court of Justice or apply ECJ jurisprudence; and (4) domestic actors must follow through on the legal victory to pressure national governments. Different factors influence each step, creating cross-national and cross-issue variation in the influence of EU law on national policy. Raising a significant challenge to neofunctionalist theory, I argue that negative interactive effects across the four steps and backlash created by the success of integration can stop or even reverse the expansionary dynamic of the legal process. I conclude by exploring the generalizability of this framework to other international contexts.
In: Comparative political studies: CPS, Band 33, Heft 4, S. 452-482
ISSN: 0010-4140
In: Comparative political studies: CPS, Band 33, Heft 4, S. 452-482
ISSN: 1552-3829
Through the examination of one of the most successful cases of a European Community (EC) law litigation strategy, this article develops a general framework for understanding when and how the EC legal system will be successfully used by domestic groups to challenge national policy. The authors show how the European legal system actually shifted the domestic balance of power in favor of equality actors, allowing a previously weak domestic group to influence the United Kingdom's gender equality policy at the height of Conservative Party rule. Expanding beyond the British case, the article develops a series of hypotheses about when the EC legal tool is likely to be used by groups to influence national policy, hypotheses that could account for cross-national variation in the impact of European Court of Justice jurisprudence on domestic policy in areas outside of equality policy.
In: International organization, Band 52, Heft 1, S. 121-147
ISSN: 0020-8183
In welchem Ausmaß, so die Ausgangsfrage des Artikels, kann der Europäische Gerichtshof (EGH), ein internationales Gericht, Entscheidungen gegen die Interessen der EU-Mitgliedsstaaten fällen ? Weder neofunktionalistische noch neorealistische Theorieansätze können erklären, warum der EGH, ehedem politisch schwach und nur selten den Interessen der europäischen Regierungen entgegenstehend, jetzt gegen deren Interessen entscheidet. Der Artikel entwirft eine allgemeine Hypothese bezüglich der Unabhängigkeit des EGH. Die Gründe für die begrenzten Kontrollmöglichkeiten des Gerichts durch die Mitgliedsländer liegen in den unterschiedlichen Zeithorizonten der politischen und rechtsprechenden Akteure, der Unterstüzung des EGH durch nationale Gerichte und den Entscheidungsmechanismen der EU auf supranationaler Ebene. (SWP-Clv)
World Affairs Online
In: International organization, Band 52, S. 121-147
ISSN: 0020-8183
Examines the extent of the ECJ's political autonomy from member states, and the extent to which it can decide cases against their interests.