Temporary migrants, partial citizenship and hypermigration
In: Critical review of international social and political philosophy: CRISPP, Band 14, Heft 5, S. 665-693
ISSN: 1743-8772
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In: Critical review of international social and political philosophy: CRISPP, Band 14, Heft 5, S. 665-693
ISSN: 1743-8772
In: European political science: EPS ; serving the political science community ; a journal of the European Consortium for Political Research, Band 9, Heft 4, S. 439-445
ISSN: 1680-4333
In: Journal of ethnic and migration studies: JEMS, Band 36, Heft 5, S. 847-859
ISSN: 1469-9451
In: Citizenship studies, Band 13, Heft 5, S. 475-499
ISSN: 1469-3593
What are the rights and obligations of citizens who live outside their country? Political theory has so far focused on immigrants' access to citizenship in countries of settlement and has had little to say about their relations to their countries of origin. External citizenship is, however, of growing importance for large numbers of migrants as well as for sending states, many of which have dramatically changed their attitudes towards expatriates. I have proposed a stakeholder criterion for determining who should have claims to external citizenship status and rights. In this article I summarize how this argument applies to the acquisition and loss of citizenship outside a state's territory, to the right to return, to an external franchise, and to citizenship duties of military service, paying taxes and compulsory voting. Adapted from the source document.
In: European journal of political theory: EJPT, Band 6, Heft 4, S. 398-405
ISSN: 1741-2730
Benhabib argues that the tension between universal human rights and democratic self-determination cannot be resolved. Distinguishing between the principle of rights, on the one hand, and context-specific `schedules of rights', on the other hand, helps, however, to specify the scope of both norms. I show that applying this idea to questions of citizenship requires further elaboration in three respects: (1) Benhabib's argument for porous rather than open borders, which does not fully address the challenge of global distributive justice; (2) norms for access to citizenship, which need to cover also transnational affiliations between sending states and their external populations; and (3) necessary constraints on democratic self-determination. I suggest replacing the principle of self-determination with a principle of self-government that does not include a unilateral right to determine the territorial or membership boundaries of the polity. [Reprinted by permission of Sage Publications Ltd., copyright 2007.]
In: Revista internacional de filosofía política, Heft 27, S. 41-69
ISSN: 1132-9432
In countries open for emigration & immigration, large numbers of citizens live outside the state territory & large numbers of non-citizens reside permanently in this territory. In many democracies, both groups will be excluded from democratic participation & representation. Yet more & more states revise their conceptions of citizenship to grant voting rights & political participation to non-citizen residents or non-resident citizens. This poses a considerable challenge to democratic theory. Under certain conceptions only one of these groups, but not the other has a claim to inclusion. Starting from a comparative examination of political participation rights, my contribution will discuss some arguments for & against expanding political citizenship beyond territory & formal nationality. Tables, References. Adapted from the source document.
In: PS: political science & politics, Band 38, Heft 4, S. 683-687
ISSN: 0030-8269, 1049-0965
Examines the phenomenon of extending electoral rights to expatriate citizens & to noncitizen residents. Why governments expand voting rights in this way is considered, finding a mixed bag of reasons. A nonterritorial conception of nationhood, often rooted in ethnic nationalism, is seen as a prime reason. Voting rights for noncitizen residents is less widespread but found in various forms around the world, & reasons for introducing this form of franchise are also mixed. Four contrasting ideal-typical positions for or against electoral rights beyond territory & citizenship are outlined & rejected, & an alternative principle, stakeholder citizenship, is proposed. 16 References. J. Zendejas
In: Osterreichische Zeitschrift fur Politikwissenschaft, Band 33, Heft 1, S. 49-66
The relation between migration & domestic security is complex but in constant danger of being politically simplified. The general assumption spread by media reports & political speeches is that uncontrolled immigration endangers security directly by facilitating transborder criminal activity or indirectly by creating general conditions within society that diminish the state's capacity to maintain public order or to produce societal security in a more comprehensive sense. The contribution argues that an adequate analysis needs to modify this prima facie plausible account. First, there are important trade-offs between enhancing security & freedom of movement because the latter creates important benefits & has in a liberal perspective also intrinsic value. Second, migration control may itself endanger security by illegalizing human actions that cannot be de facto prevented & by creating a market for human trafficking. Third, closing borders for ongoing immigration flows may paradoxically increase inflows in the short run & prevent return migration in the long run. The essay examines further how migration affects the state's capacity to produce four public goods that are often included in a comprehensive conception of societal security: demographic sustainability, cultural homogeneity, democratic self-determination, & social security. Among these, redistributive welfare policies provide the strongest argument for immigration control, but cannot fully justify present priorities, levels, & means. A final aspect of the relation between migration & security is, however, the securitization of migration policy discourses that generally trumps other arguments & creates widespread support for counterproductive & normatively indefensible policies. 28 References. Adapted from the source document.
In: The responsive community, Band 13, Heft 2, S. 31-42
ISSN: 1053-0754
In: International migration review: IMR, Band 37, Heft 3, S. 895-896
ISSN: 0197-9183
In: Citizenship studies, Band 7, Heft 2, S. 139-160
ISSN: 1469-3593
In: International migration review: IMR, Band 37, Heft 3, S. 700-723
ISSN: 0197-9183
In: Patterns of prejudice: a publication of the Institute for Jewish Policy Research and the American Jewish Committee, Band 35, Heft 4, S. 33-49
ISSN: 0031-322X
In: International migration review: IMR, Band 35, Heft 3, S. 930-932
ISSN: 0197-9183
In: Dissent: a journal devoted to radical ideas and the values of socialism and democracy, Band 47, S. 23-26
ISSN: 0012-3846
Explores the rise to power by Jorg Haider, leader of Austria's right-wing Freedom Party (FP), which won 27% of the vote in the 1999 elections, & later joined with the conservative People's Party to form a new government that ended dominance by the Social Democrats. The implications for foreign policy are examined, noting threats by other members of the Council of the European Union (EU) to suspend bilateral contacts with Austria. Haider has openly praised Hitler's policies & his antiimmigrant campaign focuses on ending "foreign infiltration." A discussion of various reasons offered for Haider's ascent to power suggests that, even though Austria is enjoying a boom economy, his electoral support represents a protest vote rather than endorsement of right-wing extremism. Haider professes to represent the "little man," promising to protect Austria from attacks by the outside world & to keep immigrants from taking work from natives. It is suggested that banishment from within the EU, complemented by resistance within civil society, offer the best hope for stopping Haider's ascent to full power. J. Lindroth