Suchergebnisse

Many studies have used survey data on perceived everyday mistreatment to assess the extent and health impact of racial discrimination and of discrimination based on weight, sexual orientation, and other reasons. Some surveys use the word "discrimination" in the initial question put to respondents, while other surveys do not use this word. This research note argues that including "discrimination" in the initial question may depress reports of perceived mistreatment, particularly among whites. It tests this possibility with data from the 1995–1996 National Survey of Midlife Development in the United States, which used "discrimination" in the initial question, and the 2001–2003 National Survey of American Life, which did not use this word. Findings suggest that using "discrimination" in the initial question considerably depresses whites' reports of everyday mistreatment.

Objective.The literature on environmentalism includes many more studies of environmental concern than of the public's practical support for the environmental movement. This article develops several categories of predictors of such support from the civic voluntarism model of Verba and associates.Methods.These predictors are tested with data from the 2000 General Social Survey, which included a special module of items on environmental attitudes and activities.Results.Findings generally suggest the utility of the civic voluntarism model for explaining public support for the environmental movement. Additional analysis attempts to untangle reasons for gender and racial differences in the level of this support.Conclusion.This study elucidates several predictors of practical support by the U.S. public for the environmental movement that merit further attention. Such research should pay attention to the proper operationalization of the kind of movement participation studied here.

Cet article tire parti de mes précédentes études sur la justice politique pour analyser les sources, la dynamique et les conséquences des procès politiques par rapport aux luttes entre les mouvements sociaux et leurs adversaires. Je porte une attention particulière aux expériences juridiques relatives au mouvement pour les droits civils dans le sud des États-Unis et au mouvement d'opposition à la guerre du Vietnam d'il y a deux décennies. Les dernières remarques ont trait aux implications de cette analyse pour les théories pluraliste et marxiste concernant le droit, le pouvoir et l'État.

Moderate social movement organizations (SMOs) often denounce radical SMOs for statements and actions that threaten to alienate potential sources of external support. This paper analyzes the development of such interorganizational hostility in the Southern civil rights movement over the issues of Communist participation, the Vietnam War, and black power. In demonstrating how the moderate SMOs' perceived need for external support aggravated divisions over these issues, this paper calls attention to a major source of interorganizational hostility in the movement that previous work has overlooked.

Differential participation after recruitment remains a black box in the social‐movement and voluntary‐association literatures. This paper identifies several dimensions of membership participation in a professional social‐movement organization (SMO) with a national membership and analyzes the determinants of differential involvement in these forms. In general, members' ideological beliefs, social and organizational ties, perceptions about their SMO, and communication with SMO officials all predict participation across the various forms. Our findings extend previous work on differential participation in three ways. First, we statistically isolate cultural dimensions of postrecruitment participation and, in so doing, complement recent ethnographic research. Second, our findings suggest that the distinct dimensions of external and internal participation found by Knoke (1988) in a national sample of voluntary associations may not generalize to national SMOs studied individually. Third, our results indicate that models combining ideological and microstructural factors should explain the multiple forms of participation in SMOs lacking these distinct dimensions.