Suchergebnisse

The existence of the barrio of Las Cruces in Bogotá, Colombia may be seen from the usual viewpoint of the physical dimensiones of its urban zone or, either, on the basis of the main historical factors that have brought about its configuration. Las Cruces began taking shape as an urban unit, that is, a barrio, during the second third of the XIXth century, as part of the southeastern periphery of the center of Bogotá. Such chronology implies that the socioeconomic phenomena of the so-called "republican" phase of political history, that is, the configuration of the new Colombian nation, were called upon to give their particular physiognomy to the newly developed zones of the Colombian capital city. A typical process of that time, which appeared mostly in the southeastern part of Bogotá, and therefore, in Las Cruces, was that of the industrial production and commercialization of building materials, new and traditional. This essay places the barrio of Las Cruces as the point of origin of some of the main building materials produced on an industrial scale from the second half of the XIXth century in Bogotá. What could be called the "web" of commercial distribution of building materials for the whole city actually started from the barrio of Las Cruces, thus giving it a disproportionate but interesting socioeconomic importance. The building materials, techniques and equipment of foreign origin joined those used during the colonial period from 1870 onwards. Industrialization made possible, among others, the process of building on a greater scale than ever before, limited only by local economic circumstances. Thus, whole rows and series of houses "for rent" appeared, built cheaply and with simplified building techniques. Local economy was altered notably by middle and lower social classes and groups which could now afford building materials at reasonable prices. The proximity of Las Cruces to clay deposits on nearby hillsides allowed massive production of bricks, tiles, tubes and many other ceramic elements to be started in several factories. These in turn, brought about the building of houses of their workers and thus the barrio of Las Cruces acquired its peculiar urban configuration. ; La existencia del barrio de Las Cruces en Bogotáse puede enfocar desde el punto de vista deldesarrollo físico de la zona urbana o de los factoreshistóricos que intervinieron para propiciaresa configuración. Las Cruces sólo comenzó atomar una configuración como barrio en elsegundo tercio del siglo XIX, formando partede una periferia del centro de la ciudad. Talcronología implica que son los fenómenos socioeconómicosde época llamada" republicana" ,es decir, la configuración de la nueva nación colombiana,los que van a dar una fisonomía particulara las nuevas zonas de la capital del país. Un proceso típico de la época, surgido antetodo en el suroriente de Bogotá, y por ello mismo,en Las Cruces, es el de la producciónindustrial y comercialización de materiales deconstrucción, nuevos y tradicionales. El presenteestudio ubica al barrio como origen y basede producción de algunos de los principalesmateriales de construcción producidos industrialmentea partir de la segunda mitad del sigloXIX en Bogotá. Lo que se podría llamar "la red"de comercialización de estos materiales, paratoda la ciudad, comenzó a tener lugar a partirdel barrio de Las Cruces, dando a éste unadesproporcionada pero interesante importanciasocioeconómica. Las técnicas y materiales de construccionde origen extranjero se sumaron en Bogotá a losque fueron utilizados durante el periodo colonial,a partir de 1860-1870. La industrializaciónposibilitó, entre otros, el proceso de construcciónen serie, a gran escala, "para negocio",con materiales baratos y técnicas constructivassimplificadas, limitada sólo por las circunstanciaseconómicas locales. La economía local resultónotablemente alterada por la importacióny fabricación local de materiales para construccióny decoración, cuyos precios los hicieron defácil acceso a clases sociales medias y bajas. Enparticular, el barrio de Las Cruces, gracias a suproximidad a yacimientos de .arcillas para la fabricaciónmasiva de ladrillo, tuberías de grés yotros productos cerámicos, fue escenario de laaparición de varias fábricas y viviendas para lostrabajadores de éstas, lo cual otorgó al barriouna peculiar configuración urbana.

In this case, I describe and discuss methodological decisions made during my research for my PhD dissertation on professionalization and bureaucratization of nongovernmental organizations. With the aim of studying which factors promote or inhibit structural isomorphism, I conducted ethnographic fieldwork in five organizations. In this case, I reflect on the ethical and practical problems that I faced. I then provide a list of practical recommendations and solutions to overcome obstacles that organizational ethnographers frequently find in their research. These obstacles have to do with selecting a research topic, selecting case studies, designing a flexible research plan, elaborating a contingency plan, negotiating with gatekeepers, accessing organizations through the ?back door, defining the role of the ethnographer in the studied organization, and preserving informant? confidentiality.

En s'appuyant sur les travaux d'Antonio Gramsci, les philosophes postmarxistes Ernesto Laclau et Chantal Mouffe considèrent que la lutte politique est une lutte pour imposer à une majorité une manière particulière de percevoir un espace social complexe grâce à l'élaboration d'un réseau de signifiants permettant de le structurer. Dans leurs théories, l'ordre hégémonique est celui qui parvient à diffuser ce cadre interprétatif. Cependant, selon eux, cette symbolisation du social est le résultat d'une relation entre signifiant et signifié établie de façon arbitraire et contingente. A partir de ce postulat, ils défendent la possibilité d'élaborer des projets contre‑hégémoniques en redéfinissant cette relation. Cet article propose tout d'abord d'illustrer ces théories à partir d'une analyse du cycle de mobilisation sociale espagnol qui s'est déroulé entre 2011 et 2014 en réponse à la gestion politique de la crise économique, en considérant que ces mouvements ont permis de resémantiser certains signifiants structurants diffusés par l'ordre hégémonique grâce à leurs discours mais aussi via des pratiques politiques renouvelées. Il s'agira ensuite d'étudier dans quelle mesure le parti Podemos, en souhaitant incarner ce projet contre-hégémonique, essaie de réinvestir dans ses discours ces signifiants tels qu'ils ont été redéfinis pour tenter d'imposer un nouveau « sens commun » depuis les institutions.

As more government documents are created in digital mediums, it is increasingly important that agencies could preserve and make them available to the public. This article discusses one group of government documents related to the war in Afghanistan and the landscape that would potentially preserve them. Based on the current conditions, there is a possibility that these documents and those of a similar nature may be overlooked and lost to future generations.In 2019, a series of articles published by The Washington Post provided an outlook of the war in Afghanistan mostly unknown to the public entitled "At War with the Truth." Citing government documents, they [the documents] reveal, that despite the oversight of three presidential administrations, billions of dollars spent, and thousands of lives lost, the government failed to tell the truth about the conflict through its first eighteen years. Drawn primarily from the Lessons Learned Reports produced by the Special Inspector General for Afghanistan Reconstruction (S.I.G.A.R) and various other government documents, a story unfolds of inconsistent strategy amplified by intentionally misinforming the public about the war's progress. These documents were largely unclassified until The Washington Post sought to obtain them through a Freedom of Information Act request prompting the government to then restrict some documents. A move that was overturned following a nearly three-year legal battle.