Suchergebnisse

Multiculturalism policy in Serbia is an example of compromises made by monoculturalists between the issues surpassing the conservative paradigm of tolerance for ethnic and cultural differences and the normative protection of their identities. An unsystematised approach to shaping multiculturalism policy led to disregard or misinterpretation of demographic factors. Through the examples of how the rights to ethnic and cultural identities are obstructed for the Bosniak population in Priboj and Aromanians in Serbia, and the analysis of problems stemming from the centralist organisation of minority selfgovernments, the paper points to the weaknesses of the current multiculturalism policy and the need for introducing demographic criteria for it to be brought into line with the nature of multiethnicity in the country. The paper points to the issues and difficulties arising from this for the Roma national minority in the realisation of their rights. Despite of being a large national minority, its members are not able to enjoy full cultural autonomy because the realisation of rights is not in line with the demographic characteristics of the Roma. A reform of the multiculturalism policy would remove the existing obstacles and enable effective protection of ethnic, cultural and linguistic identities of minorities. Multiculturalism policy in Serbia is an example of compromises made by monoculturalists between the issues surpassing the conservative paradigm of tolerance for ethnic and cultural differences and the normative protection of their identities. An unsystematised approach to shaping multiculturalism policy led to disregard or misinterpretation of demographic factors. Through the examples of how the rights to ethnic and cultural identities are obstructed for the Bosniak population in Priboj and Aromanians in Serbia, and the analysis of problems stemming from the centralist organisation of minority selfgovernments, the paper points to the weaknesses of the current multiculturalism policy and the need for introducing demographic criteria for it to be brought into line with the nature of multiethnicity in the country. The paper points to the issues and difficulties arising from this for the Roma national minority in the realisation of their rights. Despite of being a large national minority, its members are not able to enjoy full cultural autonomy because the realisation of rights is not in line with the demographic characteristics of the Roma. A reform of the multiculturalism policy would remove the existing obstacles and enable effective protection of ethnic, cultural and linguistic identities of minorities. Multiculturalism policy in Serbia is an example of compromises made by monoculturalists between the issues surpassing the conservative paradigm of tolerance for ethnic and cultural differences and the normative protection of their identities. An unsystematised approach to shaping multiculturalism policy led to disregard or misinterpretation of demographic factors. Through the examples of how the rights to ethnic and cultural identities are obstructed for the Bosniak population in Priboj and Aromanians in Serbia, and the analysis of problems stemming from the centralist organisation of minority selfgovernments, the paper points to the weaknesses of the current multiculturalism policy and the need for introducing demographic criteria for it to be brought into line with the nature of multiethnicity in the country. The paper points to the issues and difficulties arising from this for the Roma national minority in the realisation of their rights. Despite of being a large national minority, its members are not able to enjoy full cultural autonomy because the realisation of rights is not in line with the demographic characteristics of the Roma. A reform of the multiculturalism policy would remove the existing obstacles and enable effective protection of ethnic, cultural and linguistic identities of minorities.

The paper deals with refugees and internally displaced per­sons (IDPs). Considering their numbers, Serbia is the first in Europe and fourteenth on the globe. Their destiny is not only a tragic epilogue to the political dissolution of the for­mer Yugoslavia, but also to the breakdown of the common dream of "Yugoslav" nationality (which was meant to be a "melting pot" of various nations, ethnic groups, and reli­gions). Unfortunately, due to the specific strategy of nation-state building based on ethnic cleansing, refugees were one of the direct objectives of civil wars taking place in the 1990s. At the same time, massive floods of IDPs were insti­gated by the bombing campaign of Kosovo and Metohija conducted by the NATO alliance in 1999. Having come to Serbia, the majority of both refugees and IDPs who are ethnic Serbs have attained all the fea­tures of minority groups. The reasons for their social exclu­sion must be discussed in terms of their exceptionally low social position, high levels of unemployment and poverty, and lack of social inclusion. Moreover, it must be taken into account that contemporary Serbia faced many unresolved political challenges, delayed accession to the EU, secession of Kosovo and Metohija in 2008, hardships in establishing a market economy and liberal democracy since 2000, and economic deprivation, all of which were accompanied by poor social services. Serbian authorities adopted four major action plans targeted at forced migrants. However, the main challenges to their applicability stem from lack of institutional capacities, ineffective implemen­tation of development strategies, and limited resources. ; La Serbie occupe le premier rang en Europe et le quatorzième rang sur terre parmi les pays ayant le plus de réfugiés et de déplacés internes. Leur destin n'est pas seulement l'épilogue tragique de la dissolution politique de l'ex-Yougoslavie, mais aussi de la fin du rêve commun d'une nationalité « yougos-lave » (censée être un « melting pot » de différentes nations, groupes ethniques et ...

The first part of the paper shows that Serbia (excluding Kosovo and Metohia), like other Former Yugoslav states, still has not entered 'the second demographic transition', even though the decline of the universality of marriage has been registered. Instead of behavioral shift towards postmodern, individualised types and forms of unions, the population of contemporary Serbia resorts to the strategy of passive adaptation to persisting structural barriers, which, in the aggregate, are manifested through: the postponement of marriage and ageing of fertility, practical absence of serial monogamies (high-ranking marriages), with the increase of enlarged family households, while on a demographic level, it causes familiar aggravating effects: long-lasting low fertility rates, negative population growth, depopulation and intensive ageing. Such demographic development has been occurring in a specific context of slow social transformation and globalisation (European and global integration). By making reference to the relevant socio-demographic literature and empirical research (national and international), the second part of the paper examines the hypothesis about relation between the 'decline' of traditional family and possible increase of fertility. We wonder whether the acceleration of the individualisation of marriage and family could be one of potential (unused) ways of rehabilitation of procreation in the forthcoming period, with determined generators of these processes, such as: modifications in the sense of gender equality/flexibility and decrease of the strict intergenerational cohesion, for the purpose of accepting different, pro-active and personally accountable pattern of life? This is the latest innovation in modern, interdisciplinary demography, which relevant authors created on the basis of the analysis of abundant empirical records. Finally, the purpose of this paper is not to disregard the significance of practical policies (population, social, housing, health care and others), which the author of this paper supports, but to point out some indirect means of their more efficient implementation. .

The topic of this contribution is marital structure of the population of Vojvodina, based on the data from the last census from 2002. Due to the limited space, the analysis is reduced just to the basic indicators of marital structure: the distribution of the population according to the marital status, average age of the population when forming or dissolving unions, celibacy and divorced condition, while the processes of nuptiality and divorce rate, as the dynamic factors in the shaping of the structure, had to be left out. In short, the paper advocates the thesis about the blocked second demographic transition in Vojvodina. On the eve of the new millennium a demographic trend occurring in Vojvodina began in the developed European regions at the end of the1960s, that is in the 1990s in case of Central and Eastern Europe. The basic features of that demographic regime were the decline of marriage universality, postponement of the formation of unions for later years, increase of different life-styles in pairs outside classic marriage, increase in divorce and general instability of unions, increase of celibacy and giving birth outside marriage, increase in gender equality in the private and public sphere, with further decrease in fertility to very low levels and acceleration of the processes of population ageing. In that respect, Vojvodina - as well as Central Serbia - lag behind the developed states of North-West Europe, but also the states in the postsocialist transformation. Modernization of marriage, its deinstitutionalization liberation from the traditional value system, ideological changes which were registered in Vojvodina in 1980s, were discontinued because of the eruption of events on the global social plane, which slowed down the approach of this part of West Balkans to a broader, European environment.

This paper describes contemporary changes in marriage, relationships and family in European populations, and then their evolution from the last decade of the twentieth century till present day, as well as various forms and types, in which plurality of contemporary partnership unions is revealed. The other goal of this supplement was to provide a wider theoretical-hypothetical, explanatory framework for understanding what is happening in population (on appearance level) but now in the context of contemporary societies. Three variables are introduced: macro (paradigm of modernization, namely social, i.e. structural and cultural changes), micro (paradigm: resources-limitations-behavior) and mezzo (differences in social and demographic development of countries of North, Western, South and Central and Eastern Europe (former socialistic countries in transition). Cautious predictions on what could be expected in future concerning: empirical documented differences of living arrangements of European populations of the West, but also of the East, as well as relative demographic consequences. On the macro level (paradigm structure/culture) the responses depend on the rate the two main social processes will develop: 1) development of "European society", and 2) the birth of "world" (global) society. Most of the authors conclude on the convergence of social and demographic development on the territory of Western, but not Eastern Europe (and especially the Balkans). This conclusion concerns even the countries of the South European region, considering that it is uncertain in which direction and speed will their integration into the European Union develop. With regards to the trend of decreasing fertility, a continuance of existing secular tendencies may be expected in future as well, even on the whole European territory, and that it will be supported by social changes of (post) modernization, individualization and rational behavior, so that it will become a general model. For now it is evident that convergence of social and demographic development may be demonstrated on the territory of Western but not Eastern Europe as well (and especially of the Balkans). The later is also valid when the Southern European region is in question, considering that it is uncertain in which direction and at what speed will their integration into the European Union develop. With regards to the trend of decreasing fertility, a continuance of tendencies may be expected in future as well, on the whole European territory, and that it will be supported by social changes of (post) modernization, individualization and rational behavior, so that in most cases parents will satisfy their needs with only one child. On the contrary, family forms and life styles will probably reflect differences between countries of the North and Western Europe in future as well on the one hand, and Southern on the other hand, and Central and Eastern Europe (former socialistic countries) on the third hand. Readiness for marriage, partnership styles, as well as aspirations to forming families will depend on individual decisions, which will result from personal resources and limiting factors (macro, mezzo and micro). On the aggregate level of population, the result will be polarization between non-family and family households. Social conditions of foregoing modernization (increase of risks, job uncertainty, country prosperity crisis) as well as globalization will probably contribute to increasing the polarization process. The same conclusion may be derived for the group of former socialist countries of Central and Eastern Europe (and the Balkans) as well, whose key problem now is finishing the process of transformation towards market economy.

The paper analyzes modern rural household in Yugoslavia, both by region and
at the level of the country as a whole. The author begins by providing a
statistical and sociological definition of basic terms, and proceeds with a
combination of social and demographic analysis. The basic criterion used is
the residential status of the population (permanent residence) based on the
administrative distribution of settlements with the non-city ("other")
population treated as part of rural population. The descriptive basis was
formed on the basis of two types of sources: population census data and
relevant studies, on the one hand, and comprehensive researches of rural
family in the 1990s, on the other. The modernization theory has provided the
basic framework for the analysis of the state and movement in rural
households in Yugoslavia since the beginning of the 20th century, but the
paper deals mainly with social and economic developments following the
Second World War. The following components of the rural households are
analyzed: dynamics and average size, as well as composition of households.
With reference to the level of the social change they had undergone and some
demographic special features, rural households are classified into four main
types: 1) purely agricultural; 2) mixed (with income earned from
agricultural and non-agricultural activities); 3) non-agricultural; and 4)
households of elderly people. The appearance and growth of mixed households
during the pest-war period, following adoption of the socialistic command
economy, came as a result of objective contradictions in transformation of
an individual agricultural household into a modern market-oriented holding,
and its cooperation with the state-owned cooperative sector. Since early
1980s, however, with deterioration in its position, agricultural production
is gradually given up or maintained at the subsistence level, while most
family members earn their living from the non-agricultural sector. These
tendencies were most rapidly observed in Vojvodina, which is the most
fertile region of the country, and most slowly in central Serbia. As a
result of the above social and economic transformation the village was also
exposed to a strong demographic transformation, which was most readily
observed in ageing and feminization of population and its labor force and
narrowing down of family structure to conjugal family united through
marriage, which is made up of aged parents without an heir. The rural
household and/or family have undergone crucial changes in respect of three
main segments: 1) size; 2) structure; and 3) position and role of family
members. This last aspect has been the subject of numerous comprehensive
studies into the way of life in villages. The analysis of family relations
in a village was conducted in two segments: intra-generation (between
spouses and between children, especially of different gender) and
inter-generation (parent - children relations). Segregation of roles by
gender is still characterized by male domination, husband - head of the
family, and son - the heir. Housework, parenthood, and the homestead itself
(due to the increased engagement of the husband in non-agricultural
activities) are the main sources of self-realization of women. Marriage and
bearing children (especially male children) represent the main social
promotion channel for young girls in a village environment, while education
and earning income from work outside the village do not ensure a significant
role in making decisions on family life in general, children's future or
even personal destiny. Incidence of conflict in marriage is rare.
Satisfaction with a twofold role of the mother and housekeeper is very high
as well as understanding for tl1e difficulties of the social position of a
man - the "bread winner" in the current social crisis and disintegration.
The author points to the lack of data on rural households in Kosovo and
Metohia caused by the boycott of the latest census by the majority, ethnic
Albanian population. An attempt was hence made to compensate for the lack of
quantitative information by presenting results of representative
investigation of Albanian zadrugas in Kosovo and Metohia.

The article presents the second part of a broader research of historic family
in Serbia based on the 1455 fiscal census of the population in Brankovica
region (the territory of today's Kosovo). Processing of the empirical data
following theoretical and historical analysis of agricultural family in the
Middle Ages as a typical form of domestic life in the past, has brought
totally unexpected results. Contrary to the usual scientific understanding
of old Serb family as a large patriarchal, numerous community of a father
and his descendants and relatives (both along horizontal and vertical
lines), classification and numerical analysis derived from the empirical
findings of this specific census have pointed that small or independent
groups prevailed. When, however, the analysis is made on the aggregate
level, the results are quite the opposite. Namely, though small individual
groups were more numerous, a greater portion of taxpayers (adult,
economically active, primarily male, population) registered in the villages
in the document were gathered in more complex family communities
(brotherhoods and paternity). By type, that is, internal composition of
members, complex domestic unions were most often the alliances between two
brothers. This conclusion corresponds to the findings of international
anthropological and historical demographic studies.

This paper discusses intergenerational solidarity in care from the
perspective of women, focusing on mothers as the main providers. It has been
carried out in the context of very low fertility, negative population
change, and advanced ageing in Serbia, amid conditions of strong familism.
Two types of care were analysed: care of children and of elderly parents.
Qualitative research was carried out in two towns and their outskirts:
Belgrade and Kraljevo. The main method was a case study based on interviews
and observation. The first aim was to shed light on the informal support
mothers/parents receive around children: who helps them, what help they
receive, and why they receive help. The results supported the authors?
initial expectations that mothers/parents rely heavily on grandparents,
primarily grandmothers. The help grand-parents provide is reported to be
daily, extensive, and exhaustive. Mothers, how-ever, deem that it
contributes to happy and healthy ageing. Although caring for elderly people
is still not widespread among respondents, they nevertheless presented their
views on the issue. Again, in line with initial assumptions, care of
elderly people was shown to be an indispensable part of family life. The
empirical results reflect that the main explanation stems from strong
solidarity based on kinship, which thus moulds both attitudes and behaviour.
Elderly parents will be taken care of by their children, and this is
considered natural, self-understandable, and an expression of vast
gratitude. Putting elderly people into institutional care (nursing homes) is
a rare choice that is only made when they cannot live on their own and take
care of themselves, or if there are many elderly kin who need support.

Serbia is a part of the corpus of more than a half of world populations with
very low fertility. According to census from 2011, none of the generations
born between 1930 and 1962 in Serbia (without Kosovo and Metohija) gave
birth to more than two children. The share of childless women aged 30-34 has
been on rise, from 21.2% in census 2002 up to 30.3% in census 2011. These
women are most often single, living out of unions, with tertiary education,
economically active, employed, living in urban settings. Government of the
Republic of Serbia has adopted revised Birth Promotion Strategy by the end
of 2017 as the response to the problem of low fertility. It relies on the
previous Strategy from 2008, but it upgrades and further evolves the
document. This paper is aimed at short elaboration of the third goal of the
revised Strategy (decrease of the socio-psychological cost of childbearing).
Altogether with the second one (reconciliation of work and family), it
should create conditions in favour of diminishing enormous exploitation of
women/mothers? resources in parenthood and in household and thus alleviate
transition to further birth parities. Empirical base consists of different
sources of data, most prominent one being the last fieldwork carried out in
2017 by the Institute for Sociological Research, Faculty of Philosophy in
Belgrade: ?Culture of Childbearing - Reproductive and Partnership Strategies
of Women in Serbia today?. Results have demonstrated moderate patriarchal
statements among females in Serbia, altogether with quite strong patriarchal
practice in partnering and parenting. It is the persistence of the ideology
of ?intensive motherhood? and divided female/male performance in the
critical moment of ?early baby stage? and later on in the course of family
life in the context of low quality of everyday life and vast impoverishment
at the semiperiphery. Such ideology and reproductive behaviour are not
conducive to increased childbearing which is well documented in literature
and research. To the contrary, they lead to postponement and giving up
births eventually, especially of higher parities. As a political response we
recommend more active inclusion of males into parenthood, by, inter alia,
introducing of ?daddy quota? in Serbia. This short term and fully
compensated paternal leave is recommended to last two weeks. The measure
should be followed by vast social promotion of fatherhood, especially in
business, with employers, employees and other males.

A lot of empirical evidence on demographic changes in ?countries in
transition?, those which belong to the semi-periphery of Europe, has been
undertheorized, or theorized in the framework of the theories on the First
and the Second Transition. However, both of those metanarratives have proven
to be applicable only to a certain degree when it comes to the development
off population at the semi-periphery. This paper argues that specificity and
unprecedented population developments of the semi-periphery of Europe call
for a different approach, one which will actually clearly acknowledge the
structural difference between the core and the semi-periphery, and the
developmental dependence as a core of the problem. The main arguments are
related to the specificities of gender regimes at the semi-periphery
[Blagojevic 2009; Blagojevic 2013; Bobic 2013], as well as to the process of
?de-development? which results in a profound social structural change. The
starting epistemological points for this type of approach relate to the three
strands of theoretical developments: 1. feminist standpoint theory
(semi-periphery is both strategic standpoint for knowledge articulation, as
well as a location where connection between the ontology and the epistemology
of gender could be reaffirmed - [Wickramasinghe 2006; Blagojevic 2009]; 2.
Connell?s critique of ?metropolitan theory? [Connell 2007], and her vision of
?polycentric social science? [Connell, 2013]; and finally, 3. the idea of
multiple modernities and multiple trajectories of modernization [Eisenstadt,
2002]. Historically speaking, demography as a discipline has been empirically
rich, but theoretically ?poor?. Striving towards more theory, towards
grounded theory, can profoundly enrich our understanding of the population
change, by connecting micro, mezzo and macro level into a more heuristically
rewarding manner, and, at the same time, it would be moving towards
effectiveness and meaningfulness of the population policies.

Democratization of gender regimes has been taken as one of societal causes of
?ongoing and universal? Second Demographic Transition (SDT), [Lesthaeghe
2010]. The question whether it is present in countries of ex-socialism or not
is a frequent matter of debates and ?crisis argument? is referred to when
assessing whether it has been delayed, postponed or running in a specific
manner [H?hn, et ?l. 2008; Sobotka, 2008; Bobic 2014]. This paper, however,
argues that this mainstream theory seems inadequate when it comes to
demographic and social changes of Balkan countries, Serbia in particular.
Thus it should be complemented or even replaced by more suitable paradigm of
semi-periphery. After discussion of this novel approach and macro
perspective, we will particularly focus onto micro level analysis, i.e.
family relations through the lens of gender and individual agency [Blagojevic
2009, 2013; Bobic 2014], due to their profound effects on persistent low
fertility and rising childlessness. Our goal was to trace ongoing and gradual
transformation from so called ?traditional model? to greater gender
empowerment and emancipation. Decline of and resistance to the women?s
?self-sacrificing micro-matriarchy?, observed and broadly investigated in
state socialism [Blagojevic 1994, 1997] is taking place among younger
generations, middle and upper educated groups being forerunners. This shift
is reflected, inter alia, in increased males? participation in parenthood and
care, though crisis of masculinity is also observed at the semi-periphery.
Specific societal setting, although unfavourable when it comes to
opportunities of expanding of personal and social resources (including
strengthening of networks, increasing of quality of everyday life and
broadening of choices), paradoxically encourages egalitarian practice in
everyday life, through exchange and cooperation among men and women but as a
part of ?survival economy?. This less visible and slow ?bottom up? social
change awaited for ever since the end of 1980s is, seemingly irreversible,
yet troublesome. We deem this practice of collaboration and mutual support in
privacy as highly conducive for rising egalitarianism although there are
still prominent asymmetrical attitudes in public discourse related to gender
roles, paid work, care and career. Theoretical and policy implications of
such developments will also be discussed in the paper.