Suchergebnisse

BICC partnered with Germany's international broadcaster Deutsche Welle and hosted a session at the Global Media Forum 2018 "Global Inequalities" in Bonn, Germany. BICC's session "Global inequalities in the academic world: Researchers under threat" took place on 12 June 2018. The session first drew attention to the challenges faced by academics in some extremely disabling and threatening environments. Hafiz Boboyorov (Tajikistan) and Cuneyt Gurer (Turkey) shared their experiences after deciding to leave for Germany, knowing they might not be able to return. Then, Marc von Boemcken (Germany) described the challenges of the field research project "Forms of local security in Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan - The emergence of securityscapes" where he, together with Hafiz Boboyorov, had to learn how to "work under the radar" but not compromising research. Last but not least, the session explored ways and means of how to help researchers at risk to continue pursuing their scientific careers. Barbara Sheldon of the Alexander von Humboldt Foundation underlined that the experiences of von Boemcken and Boboyorov as part of the research team on the ground were an ideal prerequisite for successfully applying for a Philip Schwartz fellowship. The role of Philip Schwartz Initiative is to enable German institutions - be it universities, universities of applied science, and independent research institutions - to support researchers under threat not only immediately after having fled from their home countries. The biggest challenge is to support these researchers so that they can take the next steps in the transition process of becoming part of the German research community.

Am 19. Mai 2016 organisierte das BICC den eintägigen, internationalen Expertenworkshop "Ehemalige militärische Liegenschaften im urbanen Raum - Konversion für die Zukunftsstadt?" in Bonn. Der Workshop war der übergeordneten Fragestellung gewidmet, welche Impulse von der Umwandlung ehemals militärisch genutzter Gebäude für die zukünftige Stadtentwicklung ausgehen können. So hat zum einen das Thema Liegenschaftskonversion durch den gewachsenen Bedarf an urbanem Wohnraum auch durch Geflüchtete neue Aktualität erfahren. Dies beschäftigt nicht nur die politischen Planungsebenen und die Stadtentwicklung, sondern auch die Flucht- sowie die Friedens- und Konfliktforschung. Zum anderen liegt es im Forschungsinteresse des BICC, den Erinnerungs- und Denkmalwert ehemaliger militärischer Liegenschaften auf friedenswissenschaftliche Ansatzpunkte zu untersuchen. Transdisziplinär diskutierten Vertreterinnen und Vertreter der Forschungsbereiche Denkmalpflege, Geographie, Stadtentwicklungsforschung sowie Politik- und Geschichtswissenschaften mit Expertinnen und Experten aus der Landes-, Bundes- und kommunalen Ebene sowie der Zivilgesellschaft über die "Konversion für die Zukunftsstadt". Die Einbeziehung internationaler Beispiele aus Italien und dem Vereinigten Königreich vertiefte die Einsicht, dass Konversion mehr denn je einen wichtigen Baustein der dynamischen Stadt- und Quartiersentwicklung darstellt.

Anlässlich seines zwanzigjährigen Bestehens veranstaltete das BICC am 10. April 2014 den Expertenworkshop "Konversionsforschung im Praxistest - Liegenschaftskonversion in Deutschland und Westeuropa". 25 Vertreterinnen und Vertreter aus Ministerien und der Staatskanzlei des Landes Nordrhein- Westfalen (NRW), aus Forschung und Praxis sowie der Zivilgesellschaft gingen zunächst der Frage nach, welchem Wandel der Begriff Konversion im Verlauf der Zeit unterlag. Der Workshop versuchte auch anhand von praktischen Beispielen eine aktuelle Bestandsaufnahme insbesondere mit Bezug zum Bundesland NRW und gab darüber hinaus einen beispielhaften Einblick in Liegenschaftskonversion im europäischen Kontext. Ziel des Expertentreffens war, zukunftsweisende Fragen der Konversionsforschung zu identifizieren.

In fragile and conflict-affected settings (FCAS), largescale infrastructure projects often connect areas under various forms of rule. Donor agencies and development banks should demand from contractors conducting feasibility studies to include conflictsensitive employment (CSE) strategies for those parts of the infrastructure project that are affected by violent conflict.
In addition to available international procurement guidelines, donor agencies and development banks should require bidders to outline a CSE strategy. They should demand from bidders a convincing calculation of the costs of CSE, especially in comparison to the costs of anticipated security measures for the duration of the project, its maintenance and protection for a specified period (at least five years) after completion. The CSE framework (Grawert et al., 2017) should be attached to the tender as a guideline.
As changes in control over areas and settings of armed conflict are common in FCAS, conditions for company operations in large-scale infrastructure building will change, too. While bidders' contingency plans should include such potential changes, donor agencies or development banks should allow for budget adjustments if these changes exceed the anticipated volume of the project.
Local companies often are familiar with local power relations and able to assess project risks in local areas realistically. Donor agencies and development banks should require from bidders an initial outline of units that will have to be constructed by local companies, and bidders should detail the envisaged CSE strategies.
Donor-funded skills upgrading measures could enable local companies to carry out part of the operations required for the large-scale infrastructure project. Such projects will thus become development corridors that enhance mobility and communication as well as professional qualification of the local inhabitants.

NATO member states should expel Turkey from membership unless, it withdraws its troops from Syria. To secure the northern border, the UN could offer the immediate deployment of troops to Afrin, which could be extended to a Grand Bargain for other oppositioncontrolled areas. This deal would have to include Russia.
Provided that major alliances among the armed opposition consent, shared responsibility for protection by the UN and Russia provides an opportunity for ceasefires, the deployment of UN blue helmets, a reformed state system without Assad and deradicalization programmes. It could be achieved through a Grand Bargain. If Russia is to change its role from an aggressor to that of a mediator, the attacks in eastern Ghouta, Idlib, Hama countryside and elsewhere must stop with immediate effect. The strategic forced relocation of radical fighters by the regime alliances to areas controlled by the Free Syrian Army (FSA), for instance, leads to local populations being terrorized. Growing poverty and financial incentives draw fighters towards extremist groups. Expertise by Russia and the United Nations must be combined to develop and implement de-radicalization programmes if further escalation of terror is to be stopped locally and globally. The moderate civil-political opposition, e. g. Higher Negotiation Committee should be a key actor to shape political reform in the Grand Bargain and to create an internationally acceptable democratic and inclusive framework. Donors should, therefore, continue the financial and ideational support of the opposition. This support, however, ought to be coordinated and allow for self-determined prioritisation of needs (e.g. legal advice, negotiation training).

Le potentiel des énergies renouvelables (ER) va bien audelà de leur contribution à la réduction des problèmes en matière de changement climatique et de sécurité énergétique. ER bénéficient d'un haut potentiel de soutien de la part de la société. Bien des acteurs marocains issus des institutions politiques et décisionnaires, de la société civile, du monde universitaire, de la jeunesse et de l'industrie, privilégient les technologies de production de ER par rapport aux technologies fossiles. Pour exploiter pleinement le potentiel des ER et du soutien dont elles bénéficient de la société marocaine, il convient d'encourager des projets de petite et moyenne envergure parallèlement aux projets à grande échelle. Assurer la cohérence du processus de transformation du secteur électrique avec l'appui de la société comporte un avantage indiscutable: cela permet de mieux encourager l'appropriation de ce processus par les citoyens; cela permet également aux décideurs politiques et aux développeurs de projets de compter sur le soutien de la société en matière de politique et de projets énergétiques. Les acteurs marocains partagent et soutiennent la vision nationale d'un "développement pauvre en carbone et résistant aux changements climatiques" mais ils divergent sur les priorités et la manière d'y parvenir. Sur le long terme, les parties prenantes ont une préférence marquée pour le remplacement des sources d'énergie fossile par les ER. La réduction de la dépendance vis-àvis des importations et la baisse du coût de l'électricité jouent un rôle décisif dans ces préférences. Les parties prenantes ont même opté pour un scénario 100 % énergie renouvelable d'ici 2050, dont la part la plus importante serait assurée par les énergies éolienne et solaire. Ce scénario met en avant trois critères clés de durabilité, jugés de la plus haute importance par les parties prenantes: l'indépendance énergétique, le coût de l'électricité et la consommation d'eau. Les futurs plans de mise en œuvre intitulés "Stratégie Energétique Nationale" doivent mettre en avant la dimension sociale. Au-delà de ses effets technico- économiques sur le plan national, la stratégie énergétique a des effets sociaux potentiels sur le bien-être des communautés habitant à proximité des centrales électriques programmées. Ces effets vont de la création d'emplois sur place à la sécurité physique, la santé et la pollution de l'air en passant par la contrainte exercée sur les terres locales et sur la sécurité hydrique. Les énergies renouvelables sont en passe d'atteindre un équilibre entre les effets négatifs et positifs, tant sur le plan local que national, comparé aux énergies fossiles.

The potential of renewable energies (REs) goes beyond their contribution to mitigating climate and energy security concerns. Renewables have a high potential for societal support. Different Moroccan stakeholders from policy and decision-making institutions, civil society, academia, youth and industry prefer renewables-based electricity-generating technologies over conventional non-renewables-based technologies. To harness the full potential of societal support of the RE potential in Morocco, small and medium scale RE projects ought to be encouraged in parallel to large-scale projects.
There is an intrinsic benefit in streamlining the Moroccan electricity sector transformation process with societal preferences. It helps to foster a sense of ownership among Moroccan citizens. It also permits policymakers and project developers to count on societal support for the policies and the different energy projects. Moroccan stakeholders from policy and decision-making institutions, civil society, academia, youth and industry share and support the national vision of "a low carbon and climate change resilient development" but differ on the priorities of how to achieve it. Over the long term, Moroccan stakeholders have a strong preference for replacing fossil energy sources by REs. Reducing import dependency and lowering electricity costs play a decisive role in these preferences. The stakeholders have even opted for a 100 per cent renewable energy scenario by 2050, whereby the largest share would be provided by wind and solar energy. Such a scenario underscores three of the key sustainability criteria deemed of high importance to the Moroccan stakeholders namely energy independence, electricity costs and water consumption.
In future implementation plans of the Moroccan National Energy Strategy, the societal dimension, i.e. the various impacts that the energy strategy will have on society and its different social groups at various levels ought to be empahsized. Beyond the techno– economic effects of the energy strategy on the national level, it has potential societal impacts on the well-being of the communities in the vicinity of the planned power plants. These impacts range from on-site job creation to physical safety, health and air pollution as well as pressure on local land and water security. In Morocco, renewable energies have a high potential of achieving the balance between negative and positive impacts both on the local and national levels compared to non-renewables.

Despite the fact that expectations associated with the transition process in Myanmar are high - they must not compromise a detailed and objective analysis of the current realities. Development cooperation (DC) project strategies aiming to solve protracted refugee situations in Myanmar and its neighbouring countries must continuously monitor which causes of displacement continue to exist - unchanged or in a different form - to react adequately and flexibly on them. The framework prescribed by the Constitution and the currently prevailing power structures reinforce the marginalization of internally displaced people and returnees in Myanmar. If the international community wants to adopt countermeasures, it must raise up the protection of human rights, reintegration and compensation measures to binding indicators of success for its coordinated and coherent DC-measures. By supplying legal advice on conflicts about land rights and the depletion of resources, DC can contribute to creating legal certainty for IDPs and refugees again. DC can also help to expand existing health and education infrastructure in those areas that have not been accessible to the government for a long time and that are controlled by armed groups. This infrastructure will benefit host communities, internally displaced people and refugees alike. Protracted displacement has led to transnational labour migration, diversification, networking and urbanization. DC needs realistic scenarios that not only include refugee repatriation but also take into account social change. Binational training opportunities (for instance with Thailand) and labour market initiatives would open up sustainable income perspectives to refugees and migrants within the resprective country and contribute to the economic development of both countries.

This Knowledge Note is an outcome of a practitioners' workshop held at the German Federal Foreign Office in Berlin on 26/27 February 2018. Among its 29 participants were 19 practitioners from West and southern Africa, United Nations organizations, European Union institutions and EU member states as well as 10 leading researchers and consultants. The present publication aims to identify practical lessons learned in civilian disarmament and cooperation across borders to stop trafficking in firearms. It draws on the knowledge and experience of practitioners at the Berlin workshop in order to help other practitioners. Its intended audience consists of people who plan, design and manage projects to control small arms, as well as officials involved in making policy.
Bearing this audience in mind, this Knowledge Note begins with the lessons learned in civilian disarmament and the trafficking in small arms and light weapons (sections 2 and 3). It then focusses on points raised during the workshop that illustrate the lessons or adds to them (section 4). Section 5 reflects on the difference between gun control and arms control.
In its conclusions (section 6), the Knowledge Note shows that lessons learned will only make a real difference if they are widely shared, taught and applied.

Auch wenn die mit dem Transitionsprozess in Myanmar verbundenen Hoffnungen groß waren - sie dürfen die eingehende und nüchterne Analyse der aktuellen Situation nicht beeinträchtigen. EZ Projekt-Strategien zur Lösung der anhaltenden Fluchtsituation in Myanmar und den Anrainerstaaten müssen fortlaufend überwachen, ob und welche Fluchtursachen weiterhin - unverändert oder in anderer Form - fortbestehen, um flexibel und angemessen darauf zu reagieren. Der von der Verfassung und den momentanen Machtverhältnissen vorgegebene Rahmen zementiert die Ausgrenzung von Binnenvertriebenen und Rückkehrern in Myanmar. Wenn die internationale Gemeinschaft gegensteuern will, müssen die Wahrung der Menschenrechte sowie Reintegrations- oder Entschädigungsmaßnahmen in transparenter Weise zu verbindlichen Erfolgsindikatoren international koordinierter und kohärenter EZ-Maßnahmen erhoben werden. Durch rechtsberatende Maßnahmen bei Konflikten um Landrechte und den Abbau von Ressourcen kann die EZ dazu beitragen, Rechtssicherheit für IDPs und Flüchtlinge neu aufzubauen. In von den bewaffneten Gruppen kontrollierten und der Regierung lange nicht zugänglichen Gebieten kann sie helfen, existierende Gesundheits- und Bildungsinfrastruktur auszubauen, die den Aufnahmegemeinden, Binnenvertriebenen und Flüchtlingen gleichermaßen zugutekommt. Jahrzehntelange Vertreibungen haben zu transnationaler Arbeitsmigration, Diversifizierung, Vernetzung und Urbanisierung geführt. Die EZ braucht realistische Szenarien, die nicht nur die Rückkehr von Flüchtlingen beinhalten, sondern den erfolgten sozialen Wandel in Rechnung stellen. Binationale Ausbildungsangebote (z. B. mit Thailand) und Arbeitsmarktmaßnahmen würden Flüchtlingen und Migranten nachhaltige Einkommensperspektiven im jeweils anderen Land eröffnen und zur wirtschaftlichen Entwicklung beider Länder beitragen.

The number of beneficiaries is not an indicator of the quality of programmes. Short-term measures that try to reach large number of people, such as cash assistance, create dependency and cannot enhance sustainable livelihoods. If applied, they need to be embedded within long-term approaches. Different livelihood programmes, from vocational trainings to work programmes, should thus build on, rather than compete with, each other as well as take into account the existing skills of refugees.
Job opportunity is one of the main reasons, next to security and social ties, why people move to the southeast of Turkey. This suggests that incentives for employers to hire refugees should be increased. The way forward includes measures to build databases on demand and supply, to assist the development and implementation of business plans in collaboration with refugees, and to roll out market-aligned trainings. At least six months on-the-job trainings can, furthermore, establish trust between employer and employee as well as lead to long-term contracts that will stabilize the livelihoods of refugees.
Many refugees, aid agencies and local authorities have no or misleading information about the livelihood activities being offered locally, a situation that causes frustration and mistrust. Fostering more exchange between national and local bureaus of authorities and aid organizations can increase transparency. Livelihood programmes should also extend their reach to nonSyrian refugee groups, local communities and those outside of community centres to prevent resentment between groups.

Auffanglager dürfen nur eine Übergangslösung darstellen. Mittelfristig ist ein rascher Übergang zu "Cash for Rent"-Modellen unter dem Dach einer internationalen Organisation, wie zum Beispiel den Vereinten Nationen, nötig. Um langfristig integrative wirtschaftliche Anreize zu schaffen, sollten Mietzuschüsse von Anfang an gewährt und mit beruflicher Bildung, Hochschulbildung und "Cash for Work"-Modellen kombiniert werden. Die Bewertung der regionalen oder lokalen Daseinsvorsorge muss mit profunden Konflikt- und Marktanalysen verknüpft werden. Darauf basierend sollten Erwerbsgrundlagen und Märkte (neu) aufgebaut werden. Statt zu einem ineffizientem Wirtschaftssystem zurückzukehren, gilt es kleine und mittlere Unternehmen besonders zu fördern. Maßnahmen der Regionalregierungen zu Förderung von lokaler Integration und Reintegration sollten gefördert werden. Dafür muss in den Aufnahmegemeinschaften die erforderliche zusätzliche Infrastruktur (Wohnungsbau / Bildung / Gesundheit) geschaffen werden. Dadurch würde die Solidarität mit den Geflüchteten honoriert werden, anstatt soziale Spannungen durch Beschränkung von Hilfe auf besonders schutzbedürftige Gruppen zu erhöhen. Minderheiten- und Menschenrechtsgarantien, (Wieder-)Eingliederungsprojekte und gute Regierungsführung sollten zur Voraussetzung für Hilfeleistungen gemacht werden. Um die Aussöhnung voranzutreiben, sollten alle Aktivitäten mit vertrauensbildenden Maßnahmen verknüpft werden. Im Rahmen von Infrastrukturprojekten sollten Räume der Begegnung zwischen Aufnahmegemeinschaften und Vertriebenen ausgebaut werden. Dabei sind allerdings traditionelle Strukturen ethnisch- religiöser Koexistenz zu berücksichtigen. Traumata sind weit verbreitet und müssen bei allen Projekten in entsprechenden psychosozialen Maßnahmen Berücksichtigung finden.

Camps can only be a strictly short-term solution. In the mid-term, cash-for-rent schemes under the roof of an international organization such as the United Nations are necessary. Add rent subsidies from the beginning and combine vocational training, higher education and cash-for-work schemes in parallel to create inclusive economic incentives in the long run. Connect profound conflict and market analyses to (re-)build sustainable livelihood activities and markets. Rather than returning to an inefficient economic system, small- and medium-sized enterprises ought to be promoted. Foster local integration and reintegration policies of regional governments by creating the necessary additional infrastructure (housing/education/health) in destination communities as a compensation for the solidarity of hosting populations rather than increasing social tensions by targeting specific groups - such as vulnerable persons. Reward minority/human rights guarantees, (re-) integration projects and good government practice by making them a prerequisite for assistance. Frame all activities with inter-community trustbuilding activities intended to foster reconciliation. Infrastructure projects should create spaces that connect hosts and displaced persons while respecting traditional structures of ethno-religious co-existence amongst different communities. Traumata are prevalent and have to be addressed in all projects by providing respective psychosocial support.

Before considering cantonment, it is of utmost importance to reach widespread agreement in society and parliament on political principles guiding the mid-term transformation of the country's security sector (e.g. ethnic inclusion, militia integration and professionalization) as these will guide the reorganization and demobilization of armed forces. Since many opposition groups are not represented in the current peace process, the cantonment of forces that are party to the peace agreement would be of limited effect as main conflict drivers are left out. On the contrary, the process can even deepen exclusion. To avoid this, the High-Level Revitalization Forum needs to generate inclusive dialogue with the opposition movements - even those that are non-signatories to the ARCSS. Force assembly applies to the opposition as much as to the SPLA-In Government. The ongoing debate in Juba about cantonment, however, only addresses the assembly of SPLA-In Opposition. The transitional government needs to send a strong signal that it is serious about force assembly by moving its troops back to the barracks. From an economic perspective, resource-intensive, long-term programmes linked to cantonment are not feasible. These may also have adverse consequences from a peace perspective as they encourage new armed groups to join the fighting.

Die deutsche Asyl-und Einwanderungspolitik soll neu gestaltet werden. Darüber herrscht weitgehende Einigkeit zwischen den Parteien, die sich Hoffnungen auf einen Einzug in den Deutschen Bundestag am 24. September 2017 machen. Der Autor, Wissenschaftler am BICC, fragt kritisch nach, ob das viel zitierte "Vorbild Kanada" auch für Deutschland taugt. Als ein Vorbild für die Neugestaltung der deutschen Asyl- und Einwanderungspolitik gilt derzeit für viele Kanada mit seiner strikten Trennung von Arbeitsmigration und Asyl, seinem quotengesteuerten Punktesystem und seinen umfangreichen humanitären Umsiedlungsprogrammen. Die SPD erwähnt das kanadische Modell sogar wörtlich in ihrem Wahlprogramm. Auch Vertreter der Grünen, der FDP und selbst der AfD bezogen sich in Interviews auf dieses Vorbild. Lediglich die Linke lehnt aus humanitären Gründen eine Trennung von Flucht und Arbeitsmigration sowie Quotenregelungen strikt ab. Doch wie funktioniert die kanadische Asyl- und Migrationspolitik eigentlich und eignet sie sich als Vorbild für Deutschland?