Suchergebnisse

BICC partnered with Germany's international broadcaster Deutsche Welle and hosted a session at the Global Media Forum 2018 "Global Inequalities" in Bonn, Germany. BICC's session "Global inequalities in the academic world: Researchers under threat" took place on 12 June 2018. The session first drew attention to the challenges faced by academics in some extremely disabling and threatening environments. Hafiz Boboyorov (Tajikistan) and Cuneyt Gurer (Turkey) shared their experiences after deciding to leave for Germany, knowing they might not be able to return. Then, Marc von Boemcken (Germany) described the challenges of the field research project "Forms of local security in Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan - The emergence of securityscapes" where he, together with Hafiz Boboyorov, had to learn how to "work under the radar" but not compromising research. Last but not least, the session explored ways and means of how to help researchers at risk to continue pursuing their scientific careers. Barbara Sheldon of the Alexander von Humboldt Foundation underlined that the experiences of von Boemcken and Boboyorov as part of the research team on the ground were an ideal prerequisite for successfully applying for a Philip Schwartz fellowship. The role of Philip Schwartz Initiative is to enable German institutions - be it universities, universities of applied science, and independent research institutions - to support researchers under threat not only immediately after having fled from their home countries. The biggest challenge is to support these researchers so that they can take the next steps in the transition process of becoming part of the German research community.

Am 19. Mai 2016 organisierte das BICC den eintägigen, internationalen Expertenworkshop "Ehemalige militärische Liegenschaften im urbanen Raum - Konversion für die Zukunftsstadt?" in Bonn. Der Workshop war der übergeordneten Fragestellung gewidmet, welche Impulse von der Umwandlung ehemals militärisch genutzter Gebäude für die zukünftige Stadtentwicklung ausgehen können. So hat zum einen das Thema Liegenschaftskonversion durch den gewachsenen Bedarf an urbanem Wohnraum auch durch Geflüchtete neue Aktualität erfahren. Dies beschäftigt nicht nur die politischen Planungsebenen und die Stadtentwicklung, sondern auch die Flucht- sowie die Friedens- und Konfliktforschung. Zum anderen liegt es im Forschungsinteresse des BICC, den Erinnerungs- und Denkmalwert ehemaliger militärischer Liegenschaften auf friedenswissenschaftliche Ansatzpunkte zu untersuchen. Transdisziplinär diskutierten Vertreterinnen und Vertreter der Forschungsbereiche Denkmalpflege, Geographie, Stadtentwicklungsforschung sowie Politik- und Geschichtswissenschaften mit Expertinnen und Experten aus der Landes-, Bundes- und kommunalen Ebene sowie der Zivilgesellschaft über die "Konversion für die Zukunftsstadt". Die Einbeziehung internationaler Beispiele aus Italien und dem Vereinigten Königreich vertiefte die Einsicht, dass Konversion mehr denn je einen wichtigen Baustein der dynamischen Stadt- und Quartiersentwicklung darstellt.

Anlässlich seines zwanzigjährigen Bestehens veranstaltete das BICC am 10. April 2014 den Expertenworkshop "Konversionsforschung im Praxistest - Liegenschaftskonversion in Deutschland und Westeuropa". 25 Vertreterinnen und Vertreter aus Ministerien und der Staatskanzlei des Landes Nordrhein- Westfalen (NRW), aus Forschung und Praxis sowie der Zivilgesellschaft gingen zunächst der Frage nach, welchem Wandel der Begriff Konversion im Verlauf der Zeit unterlag. Der Workshop versuchte auch anhand von praktischen Beispielen eine aktuelle Bestandsaufnahme insbesondere mit Bezug zum Bundesland NRW und gab darüber hinaus einen beispielhaften Einblick in Liegenschaftskonversion im europäischen Kontext. Ziel des Expertentreffens war, zukunftsweisende Fragen der Konversionsforschung zu identifizieren.

Diese Studie befasst sich mit Integrationsprozessen geflüchteter Menschen in Deutschland und bezieht hierfür besonders die Situation in Nordrhein- Westfalen mit ein. Sie untersucht, wie sich das Ankommen in Deutschland gestaltet, wie Geflüchtete ihr Leben hier wahrnehmen und welchen Herausforderungen sie in ihrem Alltagsleben begegnen. Im Vordergrund steht, wie geflüchtete Menschen ihre Integrationsprozesse subjektiv erfahren. Das Working Paper vergleicht hierzu die Erfahrungen von Menschen, die schon vor längerer Zeit (ca. 20 bis 40 Jahre) nach Deutschland flüchteten, mit denen von Menschen, die nach 2014 ankamen. Diese Langzeitperspektive erlaubt es, Kontinuitäten und Veränderungen im Zeitverlauf zu identifizieren. Sie macht gleichzeitig deutlich, wie sich asylrechtliche Beschränkungen auf das Leben der Menschen auswirken. Die Autorin versteht Integration nicht als eine einseitig zu erbringende Anpassungsleistung, sondern als einen interaktionistischen und ergebnisoffenen Prozess mit dem Ziel einer chancengerechten Teilhabe an der Gesellschaft. Methodisch hat sie in dieser qualitativen Studie teilnehmende Beobachtung in einer Unterkunft für geflüchtete Menschen mit biographischen Interviews und Experteninterviews verknüpft.

Seit dem gescheiterten Putschversuch von Teilen des türkischen Militärs gegen Präsident Erdogan im Sommer 2016 suspendierte die türkische Regierung mehr als 100.000 Staatsbedienstete unter dem Vorwand, sie hätten einen Umsturz geplant. Aus Angst vor Verfolgung und willkürlichen Inhaftierungen stellten seitdem etwa 21.000 türkische Staatsbürger einen Asylantrag in Deutschland. Viele von ihnen fanden Zuflucht in Nordrhein-Westfalen (NRW). Gleichzeitig leben insbesondere in den Großstädten des Bundeslandes schon seit den 1960er Jahren Gemeinschaften von Menschen mit türkeibezogenem Migrationshintergrund. Diese Studie untersucht, wie sich Angehörige beider Gruppen in NRW gegenseitig wahrnehmen und wie sie im Alltag miteinander umgehen, welche Konflikte dabei entstehen und wie die politischen Entwicklungen in der Türkei auf diese Prozesse einwirken. Die Studie zeigt, dass türkische Geflüchtete einerseits Solidarität und Anteilnahme durch Menschen mit türkeibezogenem Migrationshintergrund und ihre Organisationen erleben, andererseits aber auch von ihnen im Alltag angefeindet werden. Dies spiegelt die starke Polarisierung innerhalb der Gemeinschaften von Menschen mit türkeibezogenem Migrationshintergrund in NRW seit 2016 wider, auf welche das Working Paper ebenfalls eingeht. Der Autor plädiert für einen differenzierten, durch Empirie gestützten Zugang zum Themenfeld und warnt eindringlich vor Verallgemeinerungen. Ansätze zur Konfliktbearbeitung müssen die Komplexität von Akteuren und Interkationen sowie die Vielfalt an Meinungen und Positionen innerhalb der Gemeinschaften mit Türkeibezug einbeziehen.

Pastoral counties of northern Kenya are expected to undergo massive change in the
coming years due to the government's ambitious infrastructural development agenda.
However, the area frequently experiences violence as a result of conflict between pastoralist communities, and also due to ethno-political contestations. Isiolo County is one
such place where planned development projects and conflict risks coincide, making it
an important case study for understanding how the future may unfold.
This Working Paper is written in the framework of a larger project called "Future Rural
Africa: Future-making and social-ecological transformation" by the Universities of
Bonn and Cologne and BICC (Bonn International Center for Conversion). BICC is interested in the kinds of claims that are being made on land and its resources and how
these may change the existing dynamics of organised violence. The Paper explores the
complexity of existing conflict in Isiolo and the emerging effects of new plans and land
claims. At its most basic level, conflict between pastoral groups, or between pastoralists
and farmers is motivated both by survival (pastoral mobility and access to water and
pasture in a climatically challenging area) and the accumulation of livestock wealth.
Politics, which is generally extended along ethnic lines, adds another layer to the inter-communal conflict through the need for political survival and the accumulation of
personal wealth. The devolution of many powers and budgets to county level since 2013
has then raised the stakes for political power. Since plans for infrastructure have been
made known, tensions have emerged, and fears of exclusion and dispossession of customary land users through speculative land-grabbing and uncompensated state acquisition. With Isiolo being a hub of the illicit small arms trade, guns have become a conflict
multiplier at every level.
The county is highly securitised with several specialised police units. However, they lack
capacity and their actions have tended to be either inadequate or overly reactive and
their relationship with communities is poor. As a result, day to day security of pastoralist
communities and their livestock relies on the rather informal and unprofessional
National Police Reserve, who are armed by the state, and community members, who
purchase their own arms through illicit markets. Politicians on occasion have also supplied arms and ammunition to communities. The Paper concludes that the various layers
of conflict should be considered and addressed simultaneously, and that development is
a new and potent factor in conflict at both political and community levels. A careful,
inclusive conflict-sensitive approach to development is essential, but this is unlikely to
happen if leaders look for personal power and gain.

The support provided to people in protracted displacement by development actors needs to be based on a thorough understanding of their existing livelihood strategies since these are an expression of their agency and encompass capabilities, (socio-cultural) preferences and networks as well as the needs and obstacles they face. These, together with the skills and expertise of members of the target group, need to be carefully documented and analysed through participatory methods before the start of any project or programme. People in protracted displacement pursue their livelihood strategies in and through complex social interactions, which are a crucial formative condition of their livelihood options. The delicate balance of social relations, especially in displacement contexts, can easily be off-set by external factors including development projects, for example if these are perceived to benefit some people more than others. Development interventions should, therefore, consider the social but also the generally relevant context to achieve a lasting effect and to prevent unintended harmful effects. Participation and ownership by well-trusted local partners as well as participation by the target groups are both vital to ensure a sustainable impact of the project. Not only state actors (both on national and sub-national levels), but also civilian non-state actors should be considered as implementing partners. Training, capacity-building and inclusion, i.e. consulting or employing people and institutions that will take over the work started by the project should be prioritised from the very beginning.

Re-instate a national body to ensure coordination and harmonization of policies across different sectors, which would help institutionalize a transparent national multi- stakeholder dialogue on energy planning. Include different interest groups in policy consultation and optimize domestic research capabilities to provide innovative solutions and evidence-based policy advice in addressing Tunisia's main energy transition challenges.
Assess local socio-economic impacts of energy projects through mandatory social impact studies. Ensure further effective local grievance mechanisms and independent judicial prosecution of pollution and threats to public health. Legally substantiate local governments' stake in the development and implementation of public and private energy projects with respect to their local impacts and adhere to legally required participatory processes and open governance principles. Use the technical potential of renewable energy to increase decentralized electricity production and encourage local communities and local governments to develop their own local energy projects.

Bei der Bleibeperspektive handelt es sich um eine bürokratische Kategorisierung, die im Widerspruch zur individuellen Prüfung von Fluchtgründen steht. Sie schafft Ungleichheiten zwischen Geflüchteten und schränkt Integration ein. Die Bundespolitik und –gesetzgebung muss die Selektion in Menschen mit "guter" bzw. "schlechter" Bleibeperspektive einstellen und allen Geflüchteten von Anfang an Zugang zu integrationspolitischen Maßnahmen gewähren. Die Integration geflüchteter Menschen in den Bereichen Sprache und Arbeit ist von zentraler Bedeutung. Die bundespolitische Ebene muss gesetzliche Grundlagen schaffen, die Sprach- und Integrationskurse von Anfang an ermöglicht und dabei auch die Unterschiede, die sich etwa aus Geschlecht, Alter oder dem Bildungshintergrund ergeben, berücksichtigen. Aufgehoben werden müssen die Vorrangprüfung und die 2016 beschlossene Wohn- sitzauflage, die beide die Arbeitsmarktintegration behindern. Auf kommunaler Ebene muss eine ausreichende sozialarbeiterische Betreuung gewährleistet werden.
Eine eigene Wohnung ist ein wichtiger Schritt zu einem selbstverantwortlichen Leben. Auf kommunaler Ebene ist die Unterbringung in Wohnungen bzw. abgeschlossenen Wohneinheiten Gemeinschaftsunterkünften vorzuziehen. Das Land Nordrhein-Westfalen und andere Bundesländer müssen an ihrer Politik festhalten, keine AnkER-Zentren einzurichten, da diese die Bewohner isolieren, zu Konflikten führen und der Integration entgegenstehen. Geflüchtete leben häufig getrennt von anderen Familienmitgliedern, die sich beispielsweise noch im Konfliktgebiet aufhalten. Die Restriktionen beim Familiennachzug können Integration behindern, da sie vielfältige materielle wie psychische Belastungen für die betroffenen Menschen schaffen. Die Länder sollten sich auf der Bundesebene dafür einsetzen, die Einschränkungen des Familiennachzugs abzubauen.

Flucht und Vertreibung sind in Lateinamerika vielfach die Folge krimineller Aktivitäten. Organisierte Kriminalität ist nicht nur Ursache von Flucht, sondern strukturiert die Ausprägung von Fluchtbewegungen maßgeblich. Flüchtlingspolitik muss daher kriminelle Aktivitäten als Fluchtursache ernst nehmen und dementsprechend ihre Maßnahmen neu ausrichten. Zudem ist die internationale Gemeinschaft aufgefordert, kohärente und präventive Maßnahmen zu entwickeln, um die Bevölkerung vor organisierter Kriminalität zu schützen. Lateinamerikanische Entwicklungen sind in vielerlei Hinsicht prototypisch für den Globalen Süden. Die "Erklärung von Brasilien", die 2014 lateinamerikanische Staaten verfassten, rückt organisierte Kriminalität, Binnenvertriebene und Flüchtlinge in einen gemeinsamen Kontext. Dies bietet der internationalen Gemeinschaft einen Ansatz, um die Ausbreitung von Gewaltrisiken, die globale Vernetzung transnationaler krimineller Gruppen und die Etablierung von Gewaltmärkten einzudämmen. Praxisorientierte Strategien, die Bürgerkriege, organisierte Kriminalität, Binnenvertreibung, Migration und Flucht ganzheitlich mit einer Kombination von Entwicklungszusammenarbeit, humanitärer Hilfe und Friedensförderung angehen, versprechen ein Mehr an Nachhaltigkeit. Um entsprechend der New Yorker Erklärung der Vereinten Nationen von 2016 globale Lösungsansätze für Flucht- und Migrationsbewegungen zu finden, ist es nötig, die aktuellen, auf internationaler Ebene verhandelten Konzepte wie den Migrations- bzw. Fluchtpakt miteinander stärker zu verbinden. Dabei gilt es, auch neue Formen der Vertreibung als Fluchtursachen anzuerkennen. Zu nennen sind explizit organisierte Kriminalität und kriegsähnliche Situationen. Die Bundesregierung muss dazu beitragen, dass die Genfer Flüchtlingskonvention inhaltlich – gemäß ihren ursprünglichen Zielen – wieder zur zentralen Referenz für globale Lösungsansätze im Umgang mit Flüchtlingen wird.

Sierra Leone is known for the successful reintegration of a high number of returning refugees
and internally displaced people (IDPs), many of whom had stayed in protracted displacement situations during the eleven years of a most cruel internal war. The war was intertwined with the civil war in Liberia and ended with a peace agreement in 2002. The extremely high number
of returnees in relation to the total population caused particular hardship for the 'leastdeveloped' country. Yet, Sierra Leone managed the task of reintegration of returnees from war,
returning refugees from the West African region and IDPs without major disruptions and renewed outbreaks of violence. Neither a severe armed conflict nor new waves of forced displacement have re-occurred during the past 17 years. However, the acts of violence in the context of the 2018
national election - and during the three previous post-war elections - justify the question whether the recurrent violence is related to shortcomings in the overall process of reintegration.
This Working Paper, therefore, takes a retrospective look into the reintegration process at large.
From the perspective of the communities that received returnees, not only returning refugees and IDPs but also former fighters who came back and reintegrated into civilian life. Furthermore, the perspective of people that did not reintegrate in Sierra Leone should not be overlooked in an assessment of the success of reintegration. Therefore, this Working Paper also incorporates the
perspective of Sierra Leoneans that have stayed in Liberia and never returned. It hence addresses
the following guiding questions: How did the reintegration of displaced people, refugees and former fighters in Sierra Leone take place, and how did the various groups returning after war manage to live together in the long run? What prevented people from reintegrating? The author and her team's research in 2018 benefitted from the fact that returnees, communities and the 'non-returnees' in Liberia were able to reflect on reintegration in hindsight. Reparation
and reconciliation turned out to be crucial to make reintegration feasible. Therefore, the Working Paper argues that reconciliation among returning people and the communities where they settle is a crucial dimension that has to be closely linked to the concept of reintegration. The study shows that the reintegration process replicated the deep regional divide and the marginalisation of the youth that had caused the armed conflict and shaped the course of the war. The paper concludes that refugees, IDPs and ex-combatants reintegrated into a disintegrated society - an environment producing grievances that fuel election-related violence. The insights
from Sierra Leone should inform interventions of the international community in war-torn countries elsewhere and lead to a comprehensive reintegration process that incorporates refugees, IDPs
as well as former fighters and is linked to reconciliation, reparations and development programmes.

This Working Paper assesses how humanitarian and development aid agencies address
individuals whose human rights and human dignity have been affected by displacement.
It proposes a fresh look at how to measure needs that arise in such situations. To this end, the
Paper evaluates characteristic needs regarding livelihoods, rights and basic services for displaced
persons in an empirical study of so-called protracted refugee situations (PRS). The needs are
then contrasted with the international legal category of 'refugee' and the descriptive definition
of internally displaced persons (IDPs) used by aid agencies to address situations of displacement.
Following empirical observations and drawing from existing models, the study establishes an
inter-subjectively comprehensible catalogue of needs, i.e. land, employment (livelihoods),
housing, social inclusion, nutrition, health, community assets, social networks, education, legal
aid, political rights, legal documents, human rights. It is argued that these indicators need to be
evaluated in regard to the degree of access displaced persons have (from no access to full access).
The weighted indicators establish different points of reference to measure the detrimental impact of displacement on human dignity. Assessment of aid for displaced persons thereby reaches
beyond the pre-displacement situation as a central point of reference: This would enable
humanitarian and development actors to evaluate their contribution to facilitating a dignified
life of individuals more accurately, as a return to the status quo ante does not automatically
mean that aid was successful—e.g. a return to misery.
Drawing on field research findings in northern Iraq, moreover, the Paper argues that any
indicator-based-approach must be combined with an analysis of the socio-political and historical
context of forced migration and also pay attention to impacts on the host society. In line with
empirical examples, the Working Paper argues that humanitarian and development aid agencies
need to start from a long-term, multi-sectoral, whole-of-society, and systematically indicatorbased approach—even though it is inevitable to prioritise some issues (and disregard others) in
situations of crisis.

This project's approach of analysing protracted displacement through the perspectives and
experiences of the displaced persons themselves has proven key to understanding the actual
dynamics, complexities and possible solutions to it. It uncovered and documented a wealth of
different coping strategies across diverse contexts, thus providing new insights into what living
in protracted displacement means for people affected by it and into which kind of support they
require. The project points out new research avenues on protracted displacement, such as the
impact of social relations and interactions on displaced peoples' livelihood options—both locally
and trans-locally—or the various types and patterns of mobility representing livelihood strategies of the displaced.
People in protracted displacement face multiple exclusions from access to livelihood-sustaining
resources and services. Such exclusions are not only layered on top of each other in terms of
generalised marginalisation but can also condition each other, in that a lack of access to certain
realms of societal life may block access to others. Moreover, this research has found that the living
conditions of people in protracted displacement often do not improve after the initial emergency
phase is over; lack of access to vital resources and services may be a constant feature of protracted
displacement or even become worse over time. Peoples' de facto (re)integration strategies, i.e.
livelihood-making in contexts of displacement or return, take place in highly fragmented and
disintegrated societies and are confronted with deliberately disintegrating forces, such as legal
exclusion, discrimination and violence.
National and international legal regulations and government action provide a crucial framework condition for the chances of displaced persons to (re)integrate and can be supportive or
disruptive. However, their actual effects on the displaced persons and local level are mediated by
alternative social norms in the respective context and can be stronger or weaker depending on a
person's positionality in society.
Due to the multiple exclusions and insecurities of protracted displacement, the diversification
and re-combinations of livelihood sources through spatial mobility is one of few chances for
the displaced to sustain themselves and their families and is thus essential to their livelihoods.
Mobility is, however, not automatically a resource in itself; it can simply be the permanent
search for safety and livelihood opportunities. Social relations and interactions at the place of
residence are perhaps the most important resource for displaced persons' livelihoods. Pre-existing
ties between communities often help to facilitate local integration of displaced persons. However,
a marginal status of local residents, poverty and scarcity of resources in receiving areas and
external influences can have a negative impact on community relations, lead to tensions and
reduce livelihood options for the displaced.

Since the failed coup attempt by parts of the Turkish military against
President Erdogan in the summer of 2016, the Turkish government has suspended
more than 100,000 civil servants on the pretext that they had planned
a coup. Out of fear of persecution and arbitrary arrests, around 21,000 Turkish
citizens have since applied for asylum in Germany. Many of them found refuge
in the state of North Rhine-Westphalia (NRW). At the same time, communities
of people with a migration background related to Turkey have been living in
this federal state, particularly in the large cities, since the 1960s. This Working
Paper examines how members of both groups in NRW perceive each other and
how they interact with each other in everyday life, which conflicts arise, and
how the political developments in Turkey affect these processes. The study
shows that Turkish refugees experience solidarity and sympathy from people
with a Turkey-related migration background and their organisations, but also
encounter some hostility from them in everyday life. This reflects the strong
polarisation within the communities of people with a Turkey-related migration
background in NRW since 2016, which the Working Paper also addresses. The
author advocates a differentiated, empirically-based approach to the subject
area and strongly warns against generalisations. Approaches to conflict resolution
must incorporate the complexity of actors and interactions, as well as
the diversity of opinions and positions within communities with a connection
to Turkey.

There is an urgent requirement to endorse the Presidential decree on the modalities of the allocation of ranks, command functions, and the reclassification of ex-combatants of signatory movements in the relevant structures established by the state, including the army and security forces. If first tranches of ex-combatants are not successfully (re-)deployed, the United Nations Multidimensional Integrated Stabilization Mission in Mali (MINUSMA) and the government need to halt and reconsider the pilot process. DDR has to be more closely tied to progress in reforming the Malian security sector. Distrust in the state and its failure to provide protection have been quoted as one of the main drivers of armed conflict in Mali. Integrating more individuals into a force that lacks accountability and oversight mechanisms might indeed worsen the problem rather than solving it. International assistance to the DDR process should be conditioned upon government efforts to enhance the capacity of the military justice system and the strengthening of the oversight role of civil society and parliament. The discourse on Mali, which is currently driven by counter-terrorist rhetoric, needs to be reframed. It has to shift from fighting terrorism to broader multidimensional peacebuilding. Stabilisation policy in Mali needs to avoid a too narrow programmatic focus on preventing and countering violent extremism (P/CVE). International stabilisation actors, the Malian government and civil society need to develop and strengthen programmes and tools addressing the root causes that drive non-state armed groups to use violence. Taking a broader perspective in dealing with non-state armed actors in Mali requires a better analysis of the grievances these actors have. The government, supported by the international community, needs to work on strategies that acknowledge and better respond to these grievances rather than primarily focusing on 'defeating terrorists' through military security approaches. International assistance to other policy areas must be conditioned upon political will on the side of the Malian government to address the root causes of the conflict.