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Drawing on interviews with over half of new Labour women MPs, Sarah Childs reveals how the women experienced being MPs, and explores whether they acted for and like women - in constituencies, in Parliament and in government.

The Electoral Commission's recently published report Gender and Political Participation captures in a clear and accessible fashion the ways in which gender determines the nature of women and men's political participation in the UK. Analysing existing academic survey research it establishes that there is an overall gender gap in political activism with men more active than women. However, it also finds that there is no gender gap in voter turnout at national, regional, or local elections and that in some political activities, such as signing petitions or boycotting products, women are more likely than men to be active. The report also raises important questions about the consequences ‐ substantive and in terms of legitimacy ‐ of women's lower levels of participation in party politics, and suggests that political parties should ensure that greater numbers of women are elected to our political institutions.

One hundred and one Labour women MPs were returned to the House of Commons at the 1997 general election. Constituting 24 per cent of the Parliamentary Labour Party, they were, according to critical mass theory, a 'tilted group' and in a position to effect change. Drawing on 23 in-depth interviews with Labour women MPs first elected in 1997, this article establishes that many of them believe that women politicians practise politics in a feminised way. This claim is, however, premised upon gender rather than sex differences and party identity is also identified as an important determinant. The women MPs' perception that women's style is less legitimate than men's is explored through a discussion of the newly elected Labour women MPs' loyalty in parliamentary votes.

One hundred & one Labour women MPs were returned to the House of Commons at the 1997 general election. Constituting 24% of the Parliamentary Labour Party, they were, according to critical mass theory, a 'tilted group' & in a position to effect change. Drawing on 23 in-depth interviews with Labour women MPs first elected in 1997, this article establishes that many of them believe that women politicians practice politics in a feminized way. This claim is, however, premised upon gender rather than sex differences, & party identity is also identified as an important determinant. The women MPs' perception that women's style is less legitimate than men's is explored through a discussion of the newly elected Labour women MPs' loyalty in parliamentary votes. 32 References. Adapted from the source document.

Discusses the passage of the Sex Discrimination (Election Candidates) Bill in the UK during 2001 & its implications. The bill overrides the antidiscrimination rules in the Sex Discrimination Act of 1975 & the Sex Discrimination (Northern Ireland) Order 1976 pertaining to the selection of candidates by political parties. The court ruling that declared all women shortlists (AWS) in 50% of all key & vacant seats illegal had caused the first drop in women MPs in the House of Commons in over 20 years. The passage of the bill was uncontested, & it is a good example of the substantive representation of women by women MPs. Since the law lacks prescription, however, political parties are left to respond to the legislation. It is also uncertain whether the measure will be compatible with European Union law on equal treatment. 18 References. L. A. Hoffman

The Sex Discrimination (Election Candidates) Bill was introduced to the House of Commons in Oct 2001, gaining royal assent in Feb 2002. The Bill followed the decrease in the numbers of women elected in the 2001 General Election. It permits political parties to introduce positive action in the selection of candidates. The Bill received cross party support & had an easy passage through both Houses of Parliament. Informed by feminist concepts of representation this article examines the arguments employed by MPs & Peers in support of the legislation. Arguments associated with the claim that women have a different political style received little support. There was greater discussion of, & support for, arguments based on symbolic representation & substantive representation, although many MPs were reluctant to make the strong claim that women's substantive representation is dependent on women's presence. However, the most widely supported argument in favor of the Bill was the justice argument, namely, that women are currently being denied equal opportunities in the parties' selection processes. 3 Tables. Adapted from the source document.

Feminist conceptions of political representation often claim a link between descriptive and substantive representation: that women representatives are more likely to act for women than male representatives. The election of 101 Labour women MPs to the House of Commons in 1997 provides an opportunity to examine this claim. This article is based on data from in-depth interviews with new intake Labour women MPs in both 1997 and 2000. It shows that many of them seek to and consider that they have substantively represented women since their election. According to the women MPs, their presence in Parliament has enabled the articulation of a feminised agenda in parliamentary debates, in select committees and in the Parliamentary Labour Party's women's group. At the constituency level, they consider that it has engendered both women's access, particularly by women's organisations, and the voicing of women's concerns. (Parliamentary Affairs / FUB)

In the period since the election of 120 women MPs to the House of Commons, discussion concerning their behaviour has been much in evidence. This article seeks to contribute to the analysis of whether women MPs seek to substantively represent women. It draws on qualitative interviews with more than half of the newly elected Labour women MPs. The paper demonstrates that more than two-thirds of the newly elected Labour women MPs are 'attitudinally feminist', one measure of whether women representatives will seek to 'act for' women. The article challenges, therefore, claims that women representatives have not sought feminised change in British politics.

Political representation is an essentially contested concept. Contemporary feminist conceptions claim a link between the presence of women and the potential for a feminised transformation of politics. Previous empirical research in the UK, which examined the question of women representatives' attitudes, concluded that women representatives were attitudinally more liberal/feminist than male representatives. This article extends the existing literature through a consideration of how the new intake of Labour women MPs conceptualise political representation. Three different dimensions are explored. First, the article examines constituency-level representation focusing upon the women MPs' perceptions of shared identity, affinity and their relationships with women constituents. Secondly, the question of whether women representatives perceive that women's presence will effect a feminisation within parliament by regendering the political agenda is considered. Finally, the impact of women representatives' presence in and on government is examined in relation to the women representatives' understanding of the role of the minister for women. The research suggests that the new-intake Labour women MPs acknowledge a feminised dimension to political representation, albeit a secondary one. This supports, in a qualified way, theoretical and empirical arguments that women's presence in politics has the potential to transform women's political representation.

In the period since the election of 120 women as Members of the British Parliament (MPs) in the House of Commons, discussion concerning their behavior has been much in evidence. This article seeks to contribute to the analysis of whether women MPs seek to substantively represent women. It draws on qualitative interviews with more than half of the newly elected Labour women MPs. The paper demonstrates that 66+% are "attitudinally feminist," one measure of whether women representatives will seek to act for women. The article challenges claims that women representatives have not sought feminized change in British politics. 1 Table, 11 References. Adapted from the source document.