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State responsibility in international law is considered one of the cornerstones of the field. For a long time it remained the exclusive responsibility system due to the primacy of States as subjects of international law. Its unique position has nonetheless been challenged by several developments both within and outside the international legal order, such as the rise of alternative responsibility ideas and practices, as well as globalization and its consequences. This book adopts a critical and holistic approach to the law of State responsibility and analyzes the functionality of the general rules of State responsibility in a changed international landscape characterized by the fragmentation of responsibility. It is argued that State responsibility is not equally relevant across the broad spectrum of international obligations, and that alternative constructions of responsibility, namely international criminal law and international liability, have increased in standing.

Abstract
The article explores connectivity from the prism of multilateral development banks. It recognises that theorising on connectivity is increasing, but as connectivity agency is less addressed, it aims to contribute to discussions on who the agents of connectivity are and how they contribute thereto. By analysing the Asian Development Bank (ADB) and the Asian Infrastructure Bank (AIIB) respectively, the article sets forth a three-dimensional agency: strategic, developmental and financial. This is in line with the multi-layered nature of the banks, which reflects the broader member states and key state interests. Next to their role as banks, they contribute to the understanding of development, in addition to which they represent key shareholder interests. The banks are both to be seen as nodes of connectivity and as active agents in realising connectivity for others.

State responsibility in international law is considered one of the cornerstones of the field. For a long time it remained the exclusive responsibility system due to the primacy of States as subjects of international law. Its unique position has nonetheless been challenged by several developments both within and outside the international legal order, such as the rise of alternative responsibility ideas and practices, as well as globalization and its consequences. This book adopts a critical and holistic approach to the law of State responsibility and analyzes the functionality of the general rules of State responsibility in a changed international landscape characterized by the fragmentation of responsibility. It is argued that State responsibility is not equally relevant across the broad spectrum of international obligations, and that alternative constructions of responsibility, namely international criminal law and international liability, have increased in standing.

Denna artikel granskar finländsk utrikes- och säkerhetspolitik i en tid som kännetecknas av globala förändringar när det gäller maktpolitik, internationella institutioner, säkerhetsordningen, och inrikesutvecklingen i olika länder. Som del av projektet "Nordiska svar på geopolitiska utmaningar" analyserar artikeln även Finlands ståndpunkt gentemot det nordiska samarbetet, och i vilken mån nordisk samverkan hör till Finlands utrikespolitiska arbetsredskap. Till att börja med kontextualiseras landets utrikespolitik, varefter det utrikespolitiska beslutsfattandet jämte aktörer gås i genom. Därefter undersöks vilka utmaningar Finland har och hurdana redskap landet har i bemötandet av dessa. Slutligen granskas hur Finland har anpassat sin politik till de globala omvälvningarna. Grundvalen i Finlands utrikespolitik, nämligen det folkrättsbaserade internationella systemet, står kvar i den föränderliga omvärlden där Finland agerar primärt inom och via EU. Men både de maktpolitiska förändringarna och utmaningarna i globalt styre har påverkat prioriteringarna i finländsk utrikespolitik.

The forms of global political transition contradict each other. The Western leadership of the world seems to be in decline, with the US political and military hegemony being challenged by the rise of China and other emerging powers and with global power structures evolving towards multipolarity. At the same time, however, there are increasing signs of a diffusion of state power. It involves a growing group of non-state actors challenging state power in very different forms and different capacities. This report focuses on the axis of state power considered the most important in terms of its global implications: the relationship between the US and China. This relationship is studied with the aim of assessing how the mutual interdependencies are evolving, and what the goals of the two actors look like in respect of their own global role. The implications of this power transition in the key fields of global governance – also covering the simultaneous diffusion of power to non-state actors – forms another relevant topic under review in the global context. Lastly, the report analyses how the EU contends with these forms of power transition and safeguards its own influence in this changing environment. The project also addresses the international role and influence of one of the northernmost EU members, Finland. It investigates how the changes in the global and regional setting should be understood from the Finnish point of view and how Finland should act in order to consolidate its international role in economic as well as political terms. ; -- Introduction -- The changing international system -- The EU in the context of the changing global order -- The changing international system: implications for Finland

Nordic states' partnership choices in security and defence are more aligned than they were a decade ago. When Danish, Finnish, Norwegian and Swedish government officials now identify key security challenges and partners, and reflect on the potential for Nordic cooperation, they have the same reference points and use similar wording. Since 2014, the toolbox for Nordic defence cooperation has also solidified and different formal affiliations with NATO and the EU seem to matter less than before. Furthermore, an array of multi- and minilateral cooperation structures have emerged across and beyond the EU and NATO, expanding the possibilities for Nordic cooperation under a larger Euro-Atlantic umbrella. However, two limitations remain: First, Nordic security and defence cooperation still remains subordinate to and a supplement rather than an alternative to NATO. Second, putting Nordic response mechanisms into practice remains dependent not only on the context and issue at stake, but also on the political appetite of the individual Nordic governments to choose a Nordic solution. ; publishedVersion