Psychoanalyse, feminisme en vrouwengeschiedenis: een vruchtbare driehoeksverhouding
In: Brood & rozen: Tijdschrift voor de Geschiedenis van Sociale Bewegingen ; driemaandelijks tijdschrift, Band 1, Heft 3
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In: Brood & rozen: Tijdschrift voor de Geschiedenis van Sociale Bewegingen ; driemaandelijks tijdschrift, Band 1, Heft 3
In: Brood & rozen: Tijdschrift voor de Geschiedenis van Sociale Bewegingen ; driemaandelijks tijdschrift, Band 14, Heft 5
In: International review of social history, Band 49, Heft 2, S. 310-311
ISSN: 1469-512X
In: Brood & rozen: Tijdschrift voor de Geschiedenis van Sociale Bewegingen ; driemaandelijks tijdschrift, Band 6, Heft 1
In: International review of social history, Band 44, Heft 3, S. 485-508
ISSN: 1469-512X
In: Brood & rozen: Tijdschrift voor de Geschiedenis van Sociale Bewegingen ; driemaandelijks tijdschrift, Band 2, Heft 4
In: Brood & rozen: Tijdschrift voor de Geschiedenis van Sociale Bewegingen ; driemaandelijks tijdschrift, Band 1, Heft 1
In: International review of social history, Band 38, Heft 3, S. 345-367
ISSN: 1469-512X
SummaryThis article illuminates the transforming impact of collective action in the light of the industrial jacquerie of 1886 in Belgium. This important episode of popular struggle fuelled a dialectical process of change which was marked by a fundamental shift in both social policy and in repertoires of collective action. In 1886 workers still drew on an old repertoire of collective action. Their struggle had such a disruptive force that it forced the state to intervene in labour conflicts. The conservative political élite responded with conciliatory gestures that foreshadowed a legislative programme of social reform. In the changed political climate the position of progressive wings in the two conservative parties was enhanced as the growing strength of the labour movement became more apparent. The industrial jacquerie functioned as a catalyst in the transition from old to new repertoires of collective action. In the aftermath of the revolt, mass collective action quickly, and extensively, came under the control of the Parti Ouvrier Belge (POB).
In: Brood & rozen: Tijdschrift voor de Geschiedenis van Sociale Bewegingen ; driemaandelijks tijdschrift, Band 18, Heft 2
In: Le mouvement social, Band 202, Heft 1, S. 153
ISSN: 1961-8646
In: Res Publica, Band 44, Heft 1, S. 97-117
In recent years, several authors have stated that emotions have come to play a more important role in political life, especially in political mass mobilisation. Ouring the 1990s, Belgium and other Western countries have indeed witnessed some spectacular examples of emotion-driven mobilisation. In this article, we argue that emotions are not an innovation in political mass-mobilisation. Various examples from the Belgian political history of the 19th and 20th centuries demonstrate that emotions have always been a key factor for explaining the occurrence, the form and the outcome of political protest. The mobilising role of emotions cannot be considered as aquantitative innovation, and therefore the expression 'new emotional movements' does not seem warranted. We make the claim that these recent mobilisations are not typical because of their reliance on emotions, but rather because of their tendency toward de-institutionalisation.
In: Res Publica, Band 44, Heft 1, S. 97-117
In: Res publica: politiek-wetenschappelijk tijdschrift van de Lage Landen ; driemaandelijks tijdschrift, Band 44, Heft 1, S. 97-118
ISSN: 0486-4700
In: Le mouvement social, Heft 179, S. 127
ISSN: 1961-8646
In: Le mouvement social, Heft 202, S. 153
ISSN: 1961-8646