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Argues that democratic politics is improper in enacting equality against property and proprietyCharacterises democratic politics as improper against the dominant view of democracy as a regimeShows that questions of property, inequality and impropriety are central to post-Marxist thought and politicsFrames conceptual arguments within specific examples of political interventions from around the globe, including the politics of a brick and of occupationsRethinks hegemony in terms of proprietary order thus rethinking the links between culture, economy and polityAccords a dignity to forms of politics that are often deemed marginalThis book systematically introduces the idea of an improper politics, and characterises democratic politics as improper in a challenge to the proper bounds of reason, accepted behaviours and the policing of proper order. Mark Devenney contributes a conceptual vocabulary that engages with the politics of the proper, propriety and property from a post-foundational perspective. He argues that this triad is central to understanding the maintenance of global inequality, both economic and political

Mark Devenney engages with the politics of the proper, propriety and property from a post-foundational perspective. He argues that this triad is central to understanding the maintenance of global inequality, both economic and political. He characterises democratic politics as improper, against current trends of thinking of it as a regime.

The ends of Marx(ism)? -- Language, communication, performativity -- Performativity and politics : from Habermas to Laclau -- Politics, idealisation and performativity -- Quasi-transcendentalism and critical theory -- The politics of subjectivity -- Deliberative or radical democracy? the politics of performativity -- Post-structuralism and democratic theory -- Ethics and politics in discourse theory.

The redefinition of rights of equality and liberty by radical and deliberative democrats during the last decades of the 20th century resulted in the denial that a consideration of property is integral to political philosophy. Theorizing property as intrinsically political demands a return to Marx but on terms he may not have recognized. I outline a politics of property in this paper contending that there can be no universal justification for any regime of property. Property is by definition the institution of a wrong. The articulation of something as property establishes a border, determining what can be owned, how far ownership extends, where it is limited, as well as terms of use and terms of abuse. It establishes a set of property relations, and defines a vocabulary of the proper. Here sovereign state power is enlisted to enforce relations of property beneficial to some, but not all. A challenge to any political regime must of necessity put in to question both the forms of proper behaviour, and the regime of property. These are intrinsically related to each other. I conclude by arguing that democracy is always improper. Property, in all of its forms entails enclosure. Enclosure requires the drawing and the maintenance of boundaries of exclusion and inclusion. The sovereign determination of the proper, as well as of the exception to the proper defines trespass. Trespass is a form of democratic enactment when, and if, it destabilises enclosure.

The redefinition of rights of equality and liberty by radical and deliberative democrats during the last decades of the 20th century resulted in the denial that a consideration of property is integral to political philosophy. Theorizing property as intrinsically political demands a return to Marx but on terms he may not have recognized. I outline a politics of property in this paper contending that there can be no universal justification for any regime of property. Property is by definition the institution of a wrong. The articulation of something as property establishes a border, determining what can be owned, how far ownership extends, where it is limited, as well as terms of use and terms of abuse. It establishes a set of property relations, and defines a vocabulary of the proper. Here sovereign state power is enlisted to enforce relations of property beneficial to some, but not all. A challenge to any political regime must of necessity put in to question both the forms of proper behaviour, and the regime of property. These are intrinsically related to each other. I conclude by arguing that democracy is always improper. Property, in all of its forms entails enclosure. Enclosure requires the drawing and the maintenance of boundaries of exclusion and inclusion. The sovereign determination of the proper, as well as of the exception to the proper defines trespass. Trespass is a form of democratic enactment when, and if, it destabilises enclosure.

1. Introduction : philosophy, politics, terror / Bob Brecher and Mark Devenney -- 2. Rediscovering the individual in the 'war on terror' : a virtue and liberal approach / Heather Widdows -- 3. Is there a justifiable shoot-to-kill policy? / Shahrar Ali -- 4. Torture and the demise of the justiciable standard of enlightened government : a US perspective / Don Wallace and Akis Kalaitzidis -- 5. Asylum and the discourse of terror : the European 'security state' / Fran Cetti.

The past two decades have witnessed a resurgence of populist politics across the globe. The early 21st century saw the pink tide of left wing populism in Latin America, the Southern European populisms that rejected the politics of austerity after 2013, and the right wing populisms that now dominate not only European but global polities. Although each instance of populist politics is distinct, all share an appeal to the people, to the true people, who both oppose and are dominated by the political elite. The nature of this elite also varies – in some cases it is predatory capital; in other cases it is the multicultural left; in yet others the anonymous bureaucrats in Brussels undermining national sovereignty. This special issue of RECERCA poses one question: how does populism relate to democracy? Is it democracy's other face?

The past two decades have witnessed a resurgence of populist politics across the globe. The early 21st century saw the pink tide of left wing populism in Latin America, the Southern European populisms that rejected the politics of austerity after 2013, and the right wing populisms that now dominate not only European but global polities. Although each instance of populist politics is distinct, all share an appeal to the people, to the true people, who both oppose and are dominated by the political elite. The nature of this elite also varies – in some cases it is predatory capital; in other cases it is the multicultural left; in yet others the anonymous bureaucrats in Brussels undermining national sovereignty. This special issue of RECERCA poses one question: how does populism relate to democracy? Is it democracy's other face?

The past two decades have witnessed a resurgence of populist politics across the globe. The early 21st century saw the pink tide of left wing populism in Latin America, the Southern European populisms that rejected the politics of austerity after 2013, and the right wing populisms that now dominate not only European but global polities. Although each instance of populist politics is distinct, all share an appeal to the people, to the true people, who both oppose and are dominated by the political elite. The nature of this elite also varies – in some cases it is predatory capital; in other cases it is the multicultural left; in yet others the anonymous bureaucrats in Brussels undermining national sovereignty. This special issue of RECERCA poses one question: how does populism relate to democracy? Is it democracy's other face?