Ill Treatment and Torture in Sweden: A Critique of Cross-Case Comparisons
In: Human rights quarterly, Band 40, Heft 3, S. 591-604
ISSN: 1085-794X
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In: Human rights quarterly, Band 40, Heft 3, S. 591-604
ISSN: 1085-794X
In: Human rights quarterly, Band 39, Heft 1, S. 1-36
ISSN: 1085-794X
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Working paper
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Working paper
In: Research & Politics (Forthcoming)
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Working paper
In: Governance: an international journal of policy and administration, Band 27, Heft 4, S. 569-587
ISSN: 1468-0491
International trusteeship is widely touted as a solution to the problem of failed states, an extreme form of limited statehood. Current theories of legitimacy and statebuilding suggest that trusteeships should produce more capable states. These theories, however, fail to take into account the self‐interest and political strategies available to trustees and politicians within new states. We pose a more political model of statebuilding by the international community, the trustee, and national politicians that predicts that trusteeship will fail to produce states with greater capacity. We test for the effects of trusteeship on state capacity, measured by service provision, by creating a matched sample of countries. We find that there is no evidence that states under trusteeship develop greater capacity leading to better provision of public goods than comparable states not under trusteeship. Would‐be statebuilders must be more aware of the political incentives of all parties involved in the process.
In: Governance: an international journal of policy and administration and institutions, Band 27, Heft 4, S. 569-587
ISSN: 0952-1895
World Affairs Online
In: Journal of peace research, Band 55, Heft 1, S. 78-93
ISSN: 1460-3578
Why do only some powerful states choose to develop power projection capabilities? To answer this question, we test the proposition that states choose to develop power projection capabilities when they face a competitive geopolitical environment. This proposition is derived from our theory, which is used to construct a new measure of the level of geopolitical competition that every state in the system faces. This measure incorporates each state's relative geographic position to every other state in the international system, the relative amount of economic power of those other states, and the degree to which their interests are compatible. We then apply this unique country-year measure to test the proposition that competitive environments are associated with the development of power projection capabilities, as measured by the tonnage of naval ships maintained by each country in each year. We demonstrate that our measure helps explain the degree to which states choose to invest in power projection capabilities. This provides an explanation for why the world has been economically multipolar, but military unipolar, for the past quarter century, and why this might change in the future, as rising powers with incompatible interests are increasing their investment in power projection capabilities.
World Affairs Online
In: Journal of peace research, Band 55, Heft 1, S. 78-93
ISSN: 1460-3578
Why do only some powerful states choose to develop power projection capabilities? To answer this question, we test the proposition that states choose to develop power projection capabilities when they face a competitive geopolitical environment. This proposition is derived from our theory, which is used to construct a new measure of the level of geopolitical competition that every state in the system faces. This measure incorporates each state's relative geographic position to every other state in the international system, the relative amount of economic power of those other states, and the degree to which their interests are compatible. We then apply this unique country-year measure to test the proposition that competitive environments are associated with the development of power projection capabilities, as measured by the tonnage of naval ships maintained by each country in each year. We demonstrate that our measure helps explain the degree to which states choose to invest in power projection capabilities. This provides an explanation for why the world has been economically multipolar, but military unipolar, for the past quarter century, and why this might change in the future, as rising powers with incompatible interests are increasing their investment in power projection capabilities.
In: Political science research and methods: PSRM, Band 6, Heft 2, S. 365-380
ISSN: 2049-8489
We argue that political sciexntists can provide additional evidence for the predictive validity of observational and quasi-experimental research designs by minimizing the expected prediction error or generalization error of their empirical models. For observational and quasi-experimental data not generated by a stochastic mechanism under the researcher's control, the reproduction of statistical analyses is possible but replication of the data-generating procedures is not. Estimating the generalization error of a model for this type of data and then adjusting the model to minimize this estimate—regularization—provides evidence for the predictive validity of the study by decreasing the risk of overfitting. Estimating generalization error also allows for model comparisons that highlight underfitting: when a model generalizes poorly due to missing systematic features of the data-generating process. Thus, minimizing generalization error provides a principled method for modeling relationships between variables that are measured but whose relationships with the outcome(s) are left unspecified by a deductively valid theory. Overall, the minimization of generalization error is important because it quantifies the expected reliability of predictions in a way that is similar to external validity, consequently increasing the validity of the study's conclusions.
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Working paper
In: Research & politics: R&P, Band 2, Heft 3, S. 205316801560534
ISSN: 2053-1680
In this paper, we reexamine the relationship between judicial independence and state respect for human rights by taking advantage of new latent measures of both constructs. In our analysis, we demonstrate a simple method for incorporating the uncertainty of these latent variables. Our results provide strong support for theoretical and empirical claims that independent courts constrain human rights abuses. Although we show that independent courts influence state behavior, the strength of the estimated relationship depends upon whether and to what degree empirical models account for uncertainty in the measurement of the latent variables.
In: The journal of conflict resolution: journal of the Peace Science Society (International), Band 58, Heft 6
ISSN: 1552-8766
This study explores the relationships between state violations of different human rights. Though most quantitative studies in international relations treat different types of repressive behaviors as either independent or arising from the same underlying process, significant insights are gained by conceptualizing different human rights violations as separate but dependent processes. We present a theoretical framework for conceptualizing the mechanisms relating human rights practices and produce a novel measurement strategy based on network analysis for exploring these relationships. We illustrate high levels of complementarity between most human rights practices. Substitution effects, in contrast, are occasionally substantial but relatively rare. Finally, using empirically informed Monte Carlo analyses, we present predictions regarding likely sequences of rights violations resulting in extreme violations of different physical integrity rights. [Reprinted by permission of Sage Publications Inc., copyright holder.]
In: The journal of conflict resolution: journal of the Peace Science Society (International), Band 58, Heft 6, S. 1003-1032
ISSN: 0022-0027, 0731-4086
World Affairs Online