Suchergebnisse

Current explanations of global governance fail to incorporate in their analysis the importance of both structural domestic and contextual factors in which global governance initiatives operate. More specifically, it is necessary to further investigate what global governance means for specific non-democratic regions and actors involved in the process of global governance. Current research on global governance is characterised by the concept of a static dichotomy between the international and domestic spheres. In contrast, the present thesis aims to offer a more sophisticated account of the interplay between these two spheres; it therefore presents an empirical and theoretical framework that is able to capture the transboundary character of global governance encompassing both the international and domestic context. Using the case of an international governance initiative, the Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative (EITI), this PhD thesis investigates how the standardised practices of global governance arrangements are implemented in the post-Soviet and autocratic states of Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan. Adopting a comparative case study perspective, the study examines, first, how shared self-regulatory governance practices as prescribed under the EITI function in authoritarian countries, second, whom or which constituencies they serve, and, finally, how the initiativea s legitimacy can be assessed. Most importantly, in analysing the EITI, the thesis aims to assess the role of different actors (state and non-state) within non-democratic countries. Furthermore, in light of the EITIa s focus on fighting corruption in the extractive sector, the project aims to contribute to the debate on the resource curse in the political economy. The results of my thesis indicate that the EITI in Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan operates as a dysfunctional platform for cooperation that is detached from its initial purpose. The research further demonstrates that the regime type, the countrya s political institutions and the inherited Soviet legacy have considerably affected the functioning of the Initiative. In light of these observations, the thesis urges scholars and policy practitioners to more thoroughly consider the context in which global governance takes place.

AbstractThis article theorises the repressive security practices of authoritarian states in the context of transnationalism and globalisation. While emerging research on transnational repression has identified a range of extraterritorial and exceptional security practices adopted by authoritarian states, it has not fully studied the implications of such practices on space and statecraft. Using data from the Central Asia Political Exile Database project (CAPE) and interviews conducted with exiled Tajik opposition groups based in Russia and Europe, we theorise the spatial connections between the territorial and extraterritorial security practices using the concept of assemblages. We further outline how these practices escalate in a three-stage model, in which exiles go on notice, are detained and then rendered or assassinated. Such an approach sheds light on the inherent links between the normalisation of security practices and the creation of transnational space with distinct forms of geographical state power that is embedded in non-national spaces and is manifested through spatially organised actors, networks, and technologies within assemblages.

Nach dem Verbot der Partei der Islamischen Wiedergeburt (PIWT), der führenden Oppositionspartei Tadschikistans, im Jahr 2015 sowie der verbreiteten Unterdrückung kritischer Stimmen sind Hunderte Bürger aus dem Land geflohen und haben in der Europäischen Union um Asyl nachgesucht. Die Regierung in Duschanbe arbeitet mit ihren Verbündeten, beispielsweise Russland oder der Türkei, zusammen, wenn es darum geht, Aktivisten festzunehmen und diese nach Tadschikistan zurückzuholen. Beim Zugriff auf tadschikische Exilanten in der EU verfügt die tadschikische Regierung allerdings über weniger Optionen. Angesichts dieser Einschränkungen versucht das Regime in Tadschikistan in zunehmendem Maße, Dissidenten im Ausland zum Schweigen zu bringen, indem sie ihre Familienangehörigen ins Visier nimmt und bedroht. Sie werden öffentlich gedemütigt, festgenommen, ihre Pässe werden eingezogen und ihr Besitz beschlagnahmt. Angesichts dieser Situation sollten ausländische Regierungen den Druck auf das Regime in Tadschikistan erhöhen, um diesen Menschenrechtsverletzungen Einhalt zu gebieten. Die Mitgliedsstaaten der EU sollten Exilanten aus Tadschikistan und deren Familienangehörigen Asyl gewähren.

Nach dem Verbot der Partei der Islamischen Wiedergeburt (PIWT), der führenden Oppositionspartei Tadschikistans, im Jahr 2015 sowie der verbreiteten Unterdrückung kritischer Stimmen sind Hunderte Bürger aus dem Land geflohen und haben in der Europäischen Union um Asyl nachgesucht. Die Regierung in Duschanbe arbeitet mit ihren Verbündeten, beispielsweise Russland oder der Türkei, zusammen, wenn es darum geht, Aktivisten festzunehmen und diese nach Tadschikistan zurückzuholen. Beim Zugriff auf tadschikische Exilanten in der EU verfügt die tadschikische Regierung allerdings über weniger Optionen. Angesichts dieser Einschränkungen versucht das Regime in Tadschikistan in zunehmendem Maße, Dissidenten im Ausland zum Schweigen zu bringen, indem sie ihre Familienangehörigen ins Visier nimmt und bedroht. Sie werden öffentlich gedemütigt, festgenommen, ihre Pässe werden eingezogen und ihr Besitz beschlagnahmt. Angesichts dieser Situation sollten ausländische Regierungen den Druck auf das Regime in Tadschikistan erhöhen, um diesen Menschenrechtsverletzungen Einhalt zu gebieten. Die Mitgliedsstaaten der EU sollten Exilanten aus Tadschikistan und deren Familienangehörigen Asyl gewähren.

The emerging literature dealing with transnational repression has identified several strategies used by authoritarian states to control and coerce their populations abroad. This article builds on existing research by investigating the domestic determinants of transnational repression. It argues that an increase in domestic repression is likely to lead to a subsequent increase in transnational repression because crackdowns at home drive dissent abroad and incentivize the state to extend its repressive gaze beyond its borders. To evaluate its arguments, the article draws on a database of approximately 1200 cases in which authoritarian states around the world threatened, attacked, extradited, abducted, or assassinated their own citizens abroad between 1991 and 2019. Offering a first quantitative test of domestic drivers of transnational repression, using multivariate regression analysis, the paper finds that as repression intensifies domestically, the likelihood of that state subsequently escalating its transnational repression also increases substantively.

The emerging literature dealing with transnational repression has identified several strategies used by authoritarian states to control and coerce their populations abroad. This article builds on existing research by investigating the domestic determinants of transnational repression. It argues that an increase in domestic repression is likely to lead to a subsequent increase in transnational repression because crackdowns at home drive dissent abroad and incentivize the state to extend its repressive gaze beyond its borders. To evaluate its arguments, the article draws on a database of approximately 1200 cases in which authoritarian states around the world threatened, attacked, extradited, abducted, or assassinated their own citizens abroad between 1991 and 2019. Offering a first quantitative test of domestic drivers of transnational repression, using multivariate regression analysis, the paper finds that as repression intensifies domestically, the likelihood of that state subsequently escalating its transnational repression also increases substantively.

Presents groundbreaking research on transnational repression and its effects on diasporas and dissidents in the 21st centuryPresents cutting-edge research by leading experts across political science, sociology, law, digital and area studies on transnational repressionOffers detailed case studies analysis from 10 countries around the world, including Russia, China, Turkey, the Philippines, Egypt, Eritrea and Italy Demonstrates how authoritarian states engage in transnational repression and how such practices affect exiled citizens' rights and their freedoms across the worldProvides recommendations and best practices for scholars, institutions and human rights advocates to better defend diaspora communities and democracies from authoritarian transnational repressionBringing together leading scholars, this volume is the first of its kind to address the growing global phenomenon of transnational repression in a comparative perspective. Authoritarian regimes in places like China, Russia and Saudi Arabia are infamous for cracking down on domestic opposition movements and democracy activists at home. And, in our age of globalisation, migration and technological development, dictators are increasingly able to extend their authoritarian power over their critics abroad. Using tactics that include surveillance, coercion, harassment and physical violence, transnational repression threatens the lives of democracy defenders, the basic rights of diaspora members and the rule of law in host states