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Cover -- Half Title -- Title Page -- Copyright Page -- Original Title Page -- Original Copyright Page -- Dedication -- Table of Contents -- Author's Note -- Preface -- Part One: Doctrine vis-à-vis Realpolitik -- 1. Soviet Doctrine Concerning the Arab World -- Continuity and Change in Consolidating and Shaping Soviet Doctrine Up to the Early 1950s -- Methods and Vehicles for Carrying Out the Soviet Doctrine -- The Soviet Union and the Local Egyptian Communist Elements -- 2. The Egyptian Communist Movement and its Role in the Internal Political Arena Up to 1955 -- The Emergence of a Communist Party in Egypt -- Some Ideological Dimensions in the Communist Design Concerning the Egyptian National Struggle -- Communist Political Activity and its Influence, 1947-55 -- 3. The Relationship Between Communism and Islam -- Communism and Islam -- The Various Approaches to the Issue as Introduced by Egyptian and Arab Intellectuals -- Part Two: The Beginning of the Soviet Involvement in Egyptian Affairs: The Dynamics of Penetration, 1947-55 -- 4. The USSR's First Steps in the Egyptian and Middle-Eastern Arena -- Soviet Support for the Arabs -- The Soviet Position Concerning the Palestine Issue, 1947-48 -- 5. The Soviet Response to Western Attempts to Form a Middle East Defence Organization, 1947-52 -- The Crystallization of the US Containment Policy and its Extension to the Middle East -- Continuity and Change in Soviet-Egyptian Relations After the Palestine War -- The Policy of the Wafd Government Towards the East-West Conflict, 1950-52 -- 6. Soviet-Egyptian Relations Under Nasir, 1952-55 -- Soviet Response to the July 1952 Coup D'état -- Stalin's Successors' Policy Towards Egypt -- Nasir's Neutralism and the Baghdad-Pact -- Nasir and the Non-Alignment Camp -- 7. Egyptian Arms Deals with the Soviet Bloc and Their Implications -- Negotiations for Arms, 1954-55.

For decades, the doctrine of the 'Unity of the Nile Valley' united Egyptians of a variety of political and nationalist backgrounds. Many Egyptians regarded Sudan as an integral part of their homeland, and therefore battled to rid the entire Nile Valley of British imperialism and unite its inhabitants under the Egyptian crown. Here, Rami Ginat provides a vital and important revised account of the history of Egypt's colonialist struggle and their efforts to prove categorically that the Nile Valley constituted a single territorial unit. These were clustered around several dominant theoretical layers: history, geography, economy, culture and ethnography. This book, for both Middle Eastern and African historians, uses a mixture of Arabic and English sources to critically examine the central stages in the historical development of Egypt's doctrine, concentrating on the defining decade (1943–1953) that first witnessed both the pinnacle of the doctrine's struggle and the subsequent shattering of a consensual nationalist dream

Much work has been done in recent decades on the histories of the Jews of Arab lands across a variety of time periods, reflecting an increasing interest in the historical past of the Jews of the "Orient." While diverse, this literature may be divided into several general groups. The first comprises studies written by Western and Israeli scholars and encompasses a broad spectrum of Arabic-speaking countries. This literature has explored, among other things, issues relating to the way of life and administration of ethnically and culturally diverse Jewish communities, their approaches to Zionism and the question of their national identities, their positions regarding the Zionist–Israeli–Arab conflict in its various phases, and the phenomena of anti-Semitism, particularly in light of the increasing escalation of the conflict. It includes works by Israeli intellectuals of Mizrahi heritage, some of whom came together in the late 1990s in a sociopolitical dissident movement known as the Mizrahi Democratic Rainbow Coalition. The target audience of this movement was Mizrahi Jews: refugees and emigrants from Arab countries as well as their second- and third-generation offspring. The movement, which was not ideologically homogeneous (particularly regarding approaches to the resolution of the Israeli–Palestinian conflict), took a postcolonialist approach to the Zionist narrative and enterprise, and was critical of the entrenchment of the Ashkenazi (European-extraction) Jews among the elites of the emerging Israeli society. The movement had scant success in reaching its target population: the majority of Mizrahi/Sephardi Jews living in Israel. Nevertheless, it brought to the fore the historical socioeconomic injustices that many Jews from Arab countries had experienced since arriving in Israel, whether reluctantly or acquiescently.