Suchergebnisse

Abstract: East-Central Europe is at odds with itself regarding the response to the Russian invasion of Ukraine. Why are "post-communist" democracies not standing together as one with a fledgling democracy that is under attack by a dictatorship? The answer lies in the material and political benefits that individual politicians and political parties receive from Russia. Two consequences follow from this dynamic: the validation of "Russian imperial claims" and reduced support for Ukraine. This analysis shows that the immediate interests and profits of domestic politicians matter far more than the long shadows of history, leading to a complex tapestry of responses in the region. The diversity of these countries' approaches to Ukraine is just one reason why East-Central Europe is now more remarkable for its divisions and contrasts than a collective past or a common future.

Levels of both religiosity and of religious influence on public policy vary enormously across the countries of post-communist East Central Europe. This variation poses a challenge to existing explanations, which have focused on religious competition and alliances with political parties to explain religious participation and policy influence, respectively. The legacy of religious nationalism instead helps to explain both the vibrancy of religious participation and the influence of churches on democratic public policy. This variation also calls for greater scrutiny of "historical legacies": while some patterns are durable and reach back centuries, others are recent innovations.

Political party competition is critical to fostering good governance and preventing corruption. However, several aspects of competition—the number of parties, their vote share, or their specific ideology—have no demonstrable impact on corruption. In contrast, the robustness of competition is critical in constraining governments and monitoring policy. Parties have to clearly profile themselves, be credible coalition partners, and prioritize parliamentary monitoring above building organizations. Above all, political party competition must be inclusive: no party should be excluded a priori from governance or coalitions because of their ideology or the identity of the constituency they represent. This is especially the case in new democracies, where capable and stable competitors are in short supply. Consequently, former authoritarian parties need to be included: they have the greatest incentives to monitor the behavior of the new governing parties, and they often have the greatest capacity to do so.

Why do some new democratic political politicians constrain themselves and reduce their discretion to extract resources from the state and the processes of privatization? Postcommunist democracies show surprising variation in the adoption of formal institutions of monitoring and oversight. These institutions regulate markets, empower citizen oversight, and police the use and distribution of state assets. These have arisen rapidly in some countries and with considerable delays in others. Accounts that link institutional creation to European Union imposition, initial bargaining, and parliamentary divisions do not fully explain the variation. Instead, in the nine consolidated democracies and free markets examined here, robust political competition triggered mechanisms of anticipatory institution building and moderation of government behavior.

Cover -- Contents -- List of Figures -- Acknowledgments -- Introduction -- Chapter 1. The Medieval Setting -- Chapter 2. Rivalry and Fragmentation -- Chapter 3. Governing Institutions -- Chapter 4. Law and Learning -- Chapter 5. Parliaments and Representation -- Conclusion -- Appendix -- References -- Index.

"Sacred Foundations argues that the medieval church was a fundamental force in European state formation. Existing accounts focus on early modern warfare or contracts between the rulers and the ruled. In contrast, this major study shows that the Catholic Church both competed with medieval monarchs and provided critical templates for governing institutions, the rule of law, and parliaments. The Catholic Church was the most powerful, wealthiest, and best-organized political actor in the Middle Ages. Starting in the eleventh century, the papacy fought for the autonomy of the church, challenging European rulers and then claiming authority over people, territory, and monarchs alike. Anna Grzymała-Busse demonstrates how the church shaped distinct aspects of the European state. Conflicts with the papacy fragmented territorial authority in Europe for centuries to come, propagating urban autonomy and ideas of sovereignty. Thanks to its organizational advantages and human capital, the church also developed the institutional precedents adopted by rulers across Europe-from chanceries and taxation to courts and councils. Church innovations made possible both the rule of law and parliamentary representation. Bringing to light a wealth of historical evidence about papal conflict, excommunications, and ecclesiastical institutions, Sacred Foundations reveals how the challenge and example of powerful religious authorities gave rise to secular state institutions and galvanized state capacity"--

"Sacred Foundations argues that the medieval church was a fundamental force in European state formation. Existing accounts focus on early modern warfare or contracts between the rulers and the ruled. In contrast, this major study shows that the Catholic Church both competed with medieval monarchs and provided critical templates for governing institutions, the rule of law, and parliaments. The Catholic Church was the most powerful, wealthiest, and best-organized political actor in the Middle Ages. Starting in the eleventh century, the papacy fought for the autonomy of the church, challenging European rulers and then claiming authority over people, territory, and monarchs alike. Anna Grzymała-Busse demonstrates how the church shaped distinct aspects of the European state. Conflicts with the papacy fragmented territorial authority in Europe for centuries to come, propagating urban autonomy and ideas of sovereignty. Thanks to its organizational advantages and human capital, the church also developed the institutional precedents adopted by rulers across Europe-from chanceries and taxation to courts and councils. Church innovations made possible both the rule of law and parliamentary representation. Bringing to light a wealth of historical evidence about papal conflict, excommunications, and ecclesiastical institutions, Sacred Foundations reveals how the challenge and example of powerful religious authorities gave rise to secular state institutions and galvanized state capacity."--

"In some religious countries, churches have drafted constitutions, restricted abortion, and controlled education. In others, church influence on public policy is far weaker. Why? Nations under God argues that where religious and national identities have historically fused, churches gain enormous moral authority--and covert institutional access. These powerful churches then shape policy in backrooms and secret meetings instead of through open democratic channels such as political parties or the ballot box. Through an in-depth historical analysis of six Christian democracies that share similar religious profiles yet differ in their policy outcomes--Ireland and Italy, Poland and Croatia, and the United States and Canada--Anna Grzymała-Busse examines how churches influenced education, abortion, divorce, stem cell research, and same-sex marriage. She argues that churches gain the greatest political advantage when they appear to be above politics. Because institutional access is covert, they retain their moral authority and their reputation as defenders of the national interest and the common good. Nations under God shows how powerful church officials in Ireland, Canada, and Poland have directly written legislation, vetoed policies, and vetted high-ranking officials. It demonstrates that religiosity itself is not enough for churches to influence politics--churches in Italy and Croatia, for example, are not as influential as we might think--and that churches allied to political parties, such as in the United States, have less influence than their notoriety suggests"--

"In some religious countries, churches have drafted constitutions, restricted abortion, and controlled education. In others, church influence on public policy is far weaker. Why? Nations under God argues that where religious and national identities have historically fused, churches gain enormous moral authority--and covert institutional access. These powerful churches then shape policy in backrooms and secret meetings instead of through open democratic channels such as political parties or the ballot box. Through an in-depth historical analysis of six Christian democracies that share similar religious profiles yet differ in their policy outcomes--Ireland and Italy, Poland and Croatia, and the United States and Canada--Anna Grzymała-Busse examines how churches influenced education, abortion, divorce, stem cell research, and same-sex marriage. She argues that churches gain the greatest political advantage when they appear to be above politics. Because institutional access is covert, they retain their moral authority and their reputation as defenders of the national interest and the common good. Nations under God shows how powerful church officials in Ireland, Canada, and Poland have directly written legislation, vetoed policies, and vetted high-ranking officials. It demonstrates that religiosity itself is not enough for churches to influence politics--churches in Italy and Croatia, for example, are not as influential as we might think--and that churches allied to political parties, such as in the United States, have less influence than their notoriety suggests"--