Suchergebnisse

AbstractThis article theorizes and tests the association between the ego‐tropic and socio‐tropic dimensions of three sets of grievances, that is, economic, value‐based and security‐related, and anti‐immigrant attitudes using data from an original survey fielded in Canada, Germany and the USA. Our analysis confirms the presence of multiple paths towards anti‐immigration attitudes. Our contribution is threefold. First, we offer a nuanced understanding of the complexity of immigration scepticism and shed light on its different dimensions, including the under‐researched personal value‐based and collective security‐related. Second, we make an empirical contribution by confirming the multi‐faceted nature of anti‐immigrant attitudes using data from an original survey tailored specifically to our research questions. This allows us to examine each set of grievances independently of each other and independently of anti‐immigrant attitudes. Third, our survey enables us to identify country‐specific dynamics by testing the relationship between individual grievances and anti‐immigrant attitudes in diverse political settings.

AbstractThis introduction to themed section consists of two parts: a sketch of national(ist) historiography and a brief description of the following contributions.

AbstractThis article contests the view that the strong positive correlation between anti-immigration attitudes and far right party success necessarily constitutes evidence in support of the cultural grievance thesis. We argue that the success of far right parties depends on their ability to mobilize a coalition of interests between their core supporters, that is voters with cultural grievances over immigration and the often larger group of voters with economic grievances over immigration. Using individual level data from eight rounds of the European Social Survey, our empirical analysis shows that while cultural concerns over immigration are a stronger predictor of far right party support, those who are concerned with the impact of immigration on the economy are important to the far right in numerical terms. Taken together, our findings suggest that economic grievances over immigration remain pivotal within the context of the transnational cleavage.

AbstractFar‐right parties are on the rise across Europe. Their shared populist rhetoric, emphasis on sovereignty and policies that promote a 'national preference' has facilitated the term 'the new nationalism'. According to an emerging consensus, this new nationalism is primarily a demand‐side phenomenon triggered by cultural grievances, i.e. a cultural backlash, driven by those on the wrong end of a new transnational cleavage. This explanation we argue tends to overlook important variations across countries and across time. As such, in this article, we contest the view that the 'new nationalism' is a linear and coherent phenomenon best understood as a cultural backlash. Specifically, our argument is threefold: (1) it is important to conceptually distinguish between populism, nationalism and the far right in order to draw meaningful conclusions about the extent to which this phenomenon is linear, coherent and comparable across cases; (2) voters' economic concerns remain pivotal within the context of the transnational cleavage, entailing that voting behaviour is structured by two dimensions of contestation; (3) the explanatory power of nationalism is in the supply, i.e. the ways in which parties use nationalism strategically in an attempt to broaden their appeal.

This chapter focuses on vigilantism in Greece. Specifically, it examines the Golden Dawn, a group, which beyond engaging in vigilante activities is also the third biggest political party in the country. The Golden Dawn is distinct from a number of other European parties broadly labelled under the 'far right' umbrella in that in was formed as a violent grass-roots movement by far right activists, its main activities prior to 2012 confined to the streets. It can be described as a vigilante group, which frequently uses violence, engages in street politics, has a strong focus on community-based activities, and its members perceive themselves as 'street soldiers'. Since 2013 a number of its leading cadres, who are also members of the Greek parliament, have been undergoing trial for maintaining a criminal organisation and other criminal acts including murder and grievous bodily harm. The progressive entrenchment of this group in the Greek political system has raised a number of questions about its potential implications on the nature of democracy and policy-making. This chapter examines various dimensions of the Golden Dawn's vigilante activities. Following a brief overview of the Greek socio-political context, it proceeds to examine the party's ideology, its organizational structure, its various operations, communications activities and relationships with other political actors and groups in Greece.