Suchergebnisse

Middle powers have been defined in hierarchical and behavioural terms. They have significantly impacted on the global governance agenda, especially through their leadership within international commissions and through multilateral forums. Recent challenges to multilateralism have created an impression that the middle power moment is over, especially in East Asia. Yet, this article sees a way forward for the stronger, more regionally focused middle powers to continue to influence international governance.

East Asia (including the sub regions of Northeast Asia and Southeast Asia) has been viewed as ranking among the most dangerous or conflictual regions on the planet, enduring colonial and Cold War legacies and several potential flashpoints. Regional international security governance has focused on nonintervention and conflict management, whereas domestic governance has focused on national security, development, and unity under tight central government control. Laos is a paradigmatic case of East Asian security policy prioritization. Its authoritarian government focuses, primarily, on traditional state-centric conceptualizations of security, and top-down, macroeconomic models and mega-projects to develop the country out of insecurity. This research project uses a qualitative approach consisting of literature review, document analysis, and limited interviews in the field. The conclusions are that, while by some measurements Lao governmental policymaking has been successful in achieving stated security objectives, in terms of nontraditional security (NTS) and human security considerations, these policies may not only be considered insufficient, but could also be counter-productive, storing up challenges for the future. Hence, the final section contains policy prescription for a more sustainable security situation in the Lao PDR. (Asian Aff / GIGA)

Western liberal democracy is in crisis. At the same time, since the end of the Cold War, new regions of the world and actors have risen to prominence. Contemporary discourse emphasizes, in particular, the rise of East Asia (including the Northeast and Southeast Asian sub-regions) and the empowerment of middle powers. This Special Issue of Asian Affairs: An American Review looks at the extent to which mid-sized East Asian states with significant democratic heritage embody hope for the liberal democratic project, and also the challenges they face. Furthermore, it considers how the analysis of the mode of interaction between state, economy and society allows a determination of the democratic conditions of any given country. The articles in this Special Issue originate from a project supported by the Asia Pacific department of the Friedrich Ebert Stiftung (FES) exploring regional interdependencies of democratization in Asia. This introduction explores the theoretical framework of the project and elaborates further on case selection. (Asian Aff/GIGA)

From a developmental perspective, South Korea would seem to have long ago put the challenges of the Middle Income Trap behind it. This supposed economic Miracle on the Han River has been matched by a similar political miracle with democratic transition followed by consolidation. Yet middle income economic conceptualization is too narrow, with contemporary observers taking into account the political economy of change as well, emphasizing how development paths are often the outcome of a struggle between those who benefit from the status quo and those who seek change " a broader Transformation Trap. Likewise, even after transition and consolidation, the quality of democratic governance can remain poor, or thin. In South Korea, as with many Asian societies, the balance of power is tilted in favor of forces preserving the status quo. This article examines South Korea's escape from the developmental Transformation Trap through the interplay of state and the economy. It considers state-society achievements as well as ongoing challenges of the political Transformation Trap. It concludes with ongoing and future challenges along the economy-society nexus. (Asian Aff/GIGA)

In 2013 Laos joined the World Trade Organization, economic growth was over 8%, and graduation from least-developed country status by 2020 remains achievable. But its human development index of 0.543 remained below the regional average. Macro development projects still threaten the vulnerable. The abduction of a prominent campaigner and repatriation of North Korean refugees highlighted human rights challenges.

The year 2012 saw rapid economic growth, resource development, and a young, dynamic population starting to change the face of Lao public life. The governing Lao People's Revolutionary Party was quick to claim across the board success. There remain, however, significant caveats: success has been moderate, and growth has come with human costs.

SUMMARYWe expect those who govern to do so in the interests of the governed. From an international institutional perspective on governance, derived from major international donor frameworks (IMF, WB, EU), good governance refers to efficiency in the provision of services and economic competitiveness. Increasingly, good governance has also come to mean accountability in the provision of services and in the generation and distribution of the collective good. Although even then, there are concerns regarding the impact on the extreme poor, cultural relativity and path dependency, as aggregate measurements of success are used, top‐down exogenous values and primarily Western standards are imposed and political rights are prioritised over other, perhaps more immediate, entitlement rights. This article returns to a fundamental conceptualisation of governance, arguing that the 'right' approach to public administration is that which provides for the basic human needs of all to the greatest extent, but in particular, provides for those of the most vulnerable sections of society. Poverty is one of the greatest challenges to human security and basic human needs, in particular, as addressed in this article, when it is linked to insecurity due to the impact and legacy of conflict. Thus, the article examines conceptual and policy problems related to the provision of 'safe havens' for the vulnerable, regardless of their citizenship status. Copyright © 2012 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.