Suchergebnisse

From a developmental perspective, South Korea would seem to have long ago put the challenges of the Middle Income Trap behind it. This supposed economic Miracle on the Han River has been matched by a similar political miracle with democratic transition followed by consolidation. Yet middle income economic conceptualization is too narrow, with contemporary observers taking into account the political economy of change as well, emphasizing how development paths are often the outcome of a struggle between those who benefit from the status quo and those who seek change " a broader Transformation Trap. Likewise, even after transition and consolidation, the quality of democratic governance can remain poor, or thin. In South Korea, as with many Asian societies, the balance of power is tilted in favor of forces preserving the status quo. This article examines South Korea's escape from the developmental Transformation Trap through the interplay of state and the economy. It considers state-society achievements as well as ongoing challenges of the political Transformation Trap. It concludes with ongoing and future challenges along the economy-society nexus. (Asian Aff/GIGA)

In 2013 Laos joined the World Trade Organization, economic growth was over 8%, and graduation from least-developed country status by 2020 remains achievable. But its human development index of 0.543 remained below the regional average. Macro development projects still threaten the vulnerable. The abduction of a prominent campaigner and repatriation of North Korean refugees highlighted human rights challenges.

The year 2012 saw rapid economic growth, resource development, and a young, dynamic population starting to change the face of Lao public life. The governing Lao People's Revolutionary Party was quick to claim across the board success. There remain, however, significant caveats: success has been moderate, and growth has come with human costs.

SUMMARYWe expect those who govern to do so in the interests of the governed. From an international institutional perspective on governance, derived from major international donor frameworks (IMF, WB, EU), good governance refers to efficiency in the provision of services and economic competitiveness. Increasingly, good governance has also come to mean accountability in the provision of services and in the generation and distribution of the collective good. Although even then, there are concerns regarding the impact on the extreme poor, cultural relativity and path dependency, as aggregate measurements of success are used, top‐down exogenous values and primarily Western standards are imposed and political rights are prioritised over other, perhaps more immediate, entitlement rights. This article returns to a fundamental conceptualisation of governance, arguing that the 'right' approach to public administration is that which provides for the basic human needs of all to the greatest extent, but in particular, provides for those of the most vulnerable sections of society. Poverty is one of the greatest challenges to human security and basic human needs, in particular, as addressed in this article, when it is linked to insecurity due to the impact and legacy of conflict. Thus, the article examines conceptual and policy problems related to the provision of 'safe havens' for the vulnerable, regardless of their citizenship status. Copyright © 2012 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.

The North Korean Human Rights Act of 2004 was an attempt under U.S. domestic law to provide aid and humanitarian relief to and broadcast support for those perceived as suffering from the actions of the North Korean regime. It also aimed to transform the regime and contribute to the peaceful reunification of the Korean peninsula (in a process similar to that which had occurred as a result of the Helsinki Accords with regard to Eastern Europe). However, contrary to serving its avowed objectives, the act contributes little to enhance human rights protection in North Korea and to instigate regime transformation. Rather, the act is more likely to endanger strategic relations in Northeast Asia. (Asian Perspect/GIGa)

This thesis examines theoretical explanations for why military interventions have taken place in the 'long-decade' following the end of the Cold War. International relations paradigms are evaluated in terms of whether their theoretical precepts provide a potential logical motivation for intervention in each case, based upon the available physical evidence and rational modelling. For the first time the importance of normative justifications for intervention will be assessed in terms of the likelihood of them forming the actual motivation for key decision-makers to make the decision to intervene, using the very rational and empirical methods utilised by critics of new world order claims and that have hitherto been shunned by its advocates. This thesis will attempt a measurement of the fit between theoretical models and empirical evidence in the form of analysis of case studies of "humanitarian intervention" or normative war fighting; a category particularly apt for study, as it can be made to fit with the world-views of all competing paradigms. ; TARA (Trinity's Access to Research Archive) has a robust takedown policy. Please contact us if you have any concerns: rssadmin@tcd.ie