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OBJECTIVE: To examine the attitudes toward, the experience with and the knowledge of advance directives of family physicians in Ontario. DESIGN: Cross-sectional survey. PARTICIPANTS: A questionnaire was mailed to 1000 family physicians, representing a random sample of one-third of the active members of the Ontario College of Family Physicians; 643 (64%) responded. RESULTS: In all, 86% of the physicians favoured the use of advance directives, but only 19% had ever discussed them with more than 10 patients. Most of the physicians agreed with statements supporting the use of advance directives and disagreed with statements opposing their use. Of the respondents 80% reported that they had never used a directive in managing an incompetent patient. Of the physicians who responded that they had such experience, over half said that they had not always followed the directions contained in the directive. The proportions of physicians who responded that certain patient groups should be offered the opportunity to complete an advance directive were 96% for terminally ill patients, 95% for chronically ill patients, 85% for people with human immunodeficiency virus infection, 77% for people over 65 years of age, 43% for all adults, 40% for people admitted to hospital on an elective basis and 33% for people admitted on an emergency basis. The proportions of physicians who felt that the following strategies would encourage them to offer advance directives to their patients were 92% for public education, 90% for professional education, 89% for legislation protecting physicians against liability when following a directive, 80% for legislation supporting the use of directives, 79% for hospital policy supporting the use of directives, 73% for reimbursement for time spent discussing directives with patients and 64% for hospital policy requiring that all patients be routinely offered the opportunity to complete a directive at the time of admission. CONCLUSIONS: Family physicians favour advance directives but use them infrequently. Most ...

Ed. Note: The questionnaire and tables described in this essay are available from the editor upon request.After a number of years of relative neglect, scholarly attention is once again being paid to the teaching of political science, particularly the introductory American government course. In many states such courses are required of virtually every college student, usually on the grounds that better citizens will somehow result. The underlying assumption is that learning about the structure and function of government and the rules of democratic procedure will produce citizens more committed to democratic ideals.Most studies of students' democratic values have focused on the effect of the college experience as a whole rather than on the specific effect of exposure to political science courses.

Ed. Note: The questionnaire and tables described in this essay are available from the editor upon request.After a number of years of relative neglect, scholarly attention is once again being paid to the teaching of political science, particularly the introductory American government course. In many states such courses are required of virtually every college student, usually on the grounds that better citizens will somehow result. The underlying assumption is that learning about the structure and function of government and the rules of democratic procedure will produce citizens more committed to democratic ideals.Most studies of students' democratic values have focused on the effect of the college experience as a whole rather than on the specific effect of exposure to political science courses.

Data from 574 Anglo women who responded to both pre- & postelection interviews in the 1980 National Election Study are used to examine how well participation theory variables & group consciousness variables account for the nonvoting political activity of traditional-role women. Of the little variance in this activity that is explained by a regression analysis among these women (.070 after adjustments for number of Rs & variables, compared to .240 among modern-role women), most is due to 2 participation theory variables: party identification & efficacy. However, a discriminant function analysis emphasizes 2 group consciousness variables (gender consciousness & religious consciousness) & only 1 participation theory variable (political ideology) as the main forces that distinguish active traditional-role from active modern-role women. These findings indicate the need to make clear which comparison group -- other traditional-role women or politically active modern-role women -- is used in efforts to understand traditional-women's political conduct. The findings also call for new theoretical directions about traditional role women's nonvoting participation, because of the weak explanatory ability exhibited by all 14 variables together. 2 Tables, 36 References. Modified HA