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Die Kartierung der Arktis: Bodenschätze, Großmachtpolitik und multilaterale Governance
In: Aus Politik und Zeitgeschichte: APuZ, Band 61, Heft 5/6, S. 14-23
ISSN: 0479-611X
World Affairs Online
A crisis of affluence: the politics of an economic breakdown in Iceland
In: Irish studies in international affairs, Band 21, S. 57-69
ISSN: 0332-1460
World Affairs Online
Iceland's post-American security policy, Russian geopolitics and the Arctic question
In: The RUSI journal: independent thinking on defence and security, Band 154, Heft 4, S. 74-80
ISSN: 0307-1847
World Affairs Online
Iceland's Security Identity Dilemma: The End of a U.S. Military Presence
In: The Fletcher forum of world affairs, Band 31, Heft 1
ISSN: 1046-1868
In September 2006, the U.S. military withdrew its last troops from Iceland, ending a 55-year presence and leaving Iceland -- without a military of its own -- the sole country in NATO without territorial defense. Iceland is now in a transition phase, the end of which is not yet clear. In the process, Iceland is reexamining its security and institutional ties to Europe and the United States and reevaluating the basis of its foreign policy. Adapted from the source document.
Confronting strategic irrelevance: the end of a US-Icelandic 'security community'?
In: The RUSI journal: independent thinking on defence and security, Band 150, Heft 6, S. 66-71
ISSN: 0307-1847
World Affairs Online
Immunizing against the American Other: Racism, Nationalism, and Gender in U.S.-Icelandic Military Relations during the Cold War
In: Journal of Cold War studies, Band 6, Heft 4, S. 65-88
ISSN: 1520-3972
The 1951 U.S.-Icelandic Defense Agreement paved the way for a permanent US military presence at the Keflavik base in Iceland, an outpost that played a crucial role in US strategy during the Cold War. The article explores two gender-related aspects of the US-Icelandic Cold War relationship: the restrictions on off-base movements of US soldiers, & the secret ban imposed by the Icelandic government on the stationing of black US troops in Iceland. These practices were meant to "protect" Icelandic women & to preserve a homogeneous "national body." Although US officials repeatedly tried to have the restrictions lifted, the Icelandic government refused to modify them until the racial ban was publicly disclosed in late 1959. Even after the practice came to light, it took another several years before the ban was gradually eliminated. Misguided though the Icelandic restrictions may have been, they did, paradoxically, help to defuse domestic opposition to Iceland's pro-American foreign policy course & thus preserved the country's role in the Western alliance. Adapted from the source document.
A Western Cold War: The Crisis in Iceland's Relations with Britain, the United States, and NATO, 1971-74
In: Diplomacy & statecraft, Band 14, Heft 4, S. 94-136
ISSN: 0959-2296
Military History - Fighting the Cod Wars in the Cold War: Iceland's Challenge to the Western Alliance in the 1970s
In: The RUSI journal: independent thinking on defence and security, Band 148, Heft 3, S. 88-95
ISSN: 0307-1847
Targeting the Periphery: The Role of Iceland in East German Foreign Policy, 1949-89
In: Cold war history: a Frank Cass journal, Band 1, Heft 3, S. 113-140
ISSN: 1468-2745
This article deals with the role of Iceland in East German foreign policy during the Cold War. Because of Iceland's strategic importance, the GDR invested considerable resources in expanding bilateral relations, & in the 1950s became Iceland's fifth largest trading partner. In the 1960s, free market economic reforms in Iceland sharply reduced the barter trade with the GDR & party ideological differences emerged which led to a formal break after the suppression of the Prague Spring. The 1970s & 1980s witnessed the marginalization of East German influence in Iceland. With the discrediting of the East Bloc, in general, & the failure to abrogate the defense treaty, in particular, there was not much rationale for ideological cooperation. The lack of increase in trade relations with Iceland following its recognition of the GDR in 1973 only reinforced this sense of political & economic alienation. Adapted from the source document.
Targeting the Periphery: The Role of Iceland in East German Foreign Policy, 1949-89
In: Cold war history: a Frank Cass journal, Band 1, Heft 3, S. 113-140
ISSN: 1468-2745
Der Chef des Kalten Krieges: C. D. Jackson, psychologische Kriegführung und die deutsche Frage 1953/54
In: Vierteljahrshefte für Zeitgeschichte, Band 46, Heft 2, S. 221-252
ISSN: 0042-5702
World Affairs Online
Containing the Offensive: The "Chief of the Cold War" and the Eisenhower Administration's German Policy
In: Presidential studies quarterly, Band 27, Heft 3, S. 480-495
ISSN: 0360-4918
Cold War Misperceptions: The Communist and Western Responses to the East German Refugee Crisis in 1953
In: Journal of contemporary history, Band 29, Heft 3, S. 463
ISSN: 0022-0094
Pitting Democratic Standards against Sovereign Rights: The Nature of International Rule in Kosovo
In: New Balkan Politics, Heft 7-8, S. [np]