Suchergebnisse

List of figures -- List of tables -- Contributors -- Acknowledgements -- Preface -- From welfare to work, or work to welfare? -- Kirrily Jordan and Jon Altman -- Reframed as welfare: CDEP's fall from favour -- Will Sanders -- Some statistical context for analysis of CDEP -- Boyd Hunter -- Just a jobs program? CDEP employment and community development on the NSW far south coast -- Kirrily Jordan -- Looking for 'real jobs' on the APY Lands: Intermittent and steady employment in CDEP and other paid work -- Kirrily Jordan

The end of the very long-standing Community Development Employment Projects (CDEP) scheme in 2015 marked a critical juncture in Australian Indigenous policy history. For more than 30 years, CDEP had been among the biggest and most influential programs in the Indigenous affairs portfolio, employing many thousands of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people. More recently, it had also become a focus of intense political contestation that culminated in its ultimate demise. This book examines the consequences of its closure for Indigenous people, communities and organisations. The end of CDEP is first situated in its broader historical and political context: the debates over notions of 'self-determination' versus 'mainstreaming' and the enduring influence of concerns about 'passive welfare' and 'mutual obligation'. In this way, the focus on CDEP highlights more general trends in Indigenous policymaking, and questions whether the dominant government approach is on the right track. Each chapter takes a different disciplinary approach to this question, variously focusing on the consequences of change for community and economic development, individual work habits and employment outcomes, and institutional capacity within the Indigenous sector. Across the case studies examined, the chapters suggest that the end of CDEP has heralded the emergence of a greater reliance on welfare rather than the increased employment outcomes the government had anticipated. Concluding that CDEP was 'better than welfare' in many ways, the book offers encouragement to policymakers to ensure that future reforms generate livelihood options for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Australians that are, in turn, better than CDEP.

In more than 50 years of federal public policy relating to Australia's First Nations peoples, employment has always been prominent among the issues taking centre stage. Recent Coalition governments have positioned it as one of their three major aims in the Indigenous Affairs portfolio: getting 'kids into school,' 'adults into work' and improving community safety. But behind these seemingly simple statements lies an enormous real-world complexity. Getting more people into work moves well beyond the supply and demand models of mainstream economics, with policy approaches hinging on a tangled mix of ideology, contested evidence and competing ideas. As Liddle's introduction to this volume suggests, many of the assumptions that underpin policy decisions remain informed by colonial narratives. These assumptions require serious and sustained critique. Key questions include: What counts as 'work'? Who decides? Are the challenges relating to First Nations employment best understood as structural or individual? How can employment policy move beyond notions of 'carrots' and 'sticks' and take account of the enormous locational, historical and aspirational diversity of First Nations peoples? To what extent should it be self-determined, or cohere with an Indigenous polity? And should notions of 'decent' work come into play?

AbstractThe way Australian federal governments have approached Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander employment and welfare policy over the last two decades has been a paradigmatic example of what not to do in policymaking. In the absence of effective engagement or consultation, a series of decisions under Coalition and Australian Labor Party governments have had a range of negative consequences for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples. These changes – centred around the closure of the Community Development Employment Projects (CDEP) scheme and implementation of the Community Development Programme (CDP) – have resulted in increased unemployment, inadequate support for job creation, a dramatic over‐application of income penalties to social security recipients and reduced capacity in many community organisations. This article argues that these outcomes constitute policy failure, especially given that genuine engagement with Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people could have prevented many of these consequences. It then turns to an exploration of three ways in which Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people are responding to such policy failure: through promotion of new narratives, new alliances, and new institutions. The study concludes that while we should avoid "specious hope", there is room for optimism in a renewed push for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander sovereignty.

Australia has received one of the relatively largest and most diverse intakes of immigrants of any of the Western nations, with more than half of the population of Australia's largest cities first- or second-generation immigrants. The tourism literature places great importance on the cultural industries and the growth of cultural tourism in countries like Australia. But the link between immigration, ethnic diversity, and tourism, which we call ethnic tourism, in Australia and elsewhere has received little attention by scholars. By ethnic tourism we mean not only the tourism by ethnic minorities to countries like Australia but also the way that nonminority tourists-in Australia, this means British, New Zealand, and North American tourists-are attracted to ethnic tourist sites such as ethnic precincts. The cosmopolitan character of Australia's largest cities, a result of the great ethnic diversity of Australia's immigration intake over the past 60 years, has lead to the development of ethnic tourism, a subset of cultural tourism. Ethnic tourism thus includes tourism to destinations that are labeled, marketed, and identified with the cultural diversity of a particular minority ethnic group. Ethnic precincts such as Chinatown, Little Italy, Thaitown, and Koreatown attract customers who are locals, national tourists, or international tourists to experience the "ethnic neighborhoods" of the city. These customers are often attracted by the presence of ethnic businesses-restaurants, shops, services-set up by ethnic entrepreneurs. Some tourists may be seeking an "authentic" ethnic experience in the precinct. This may involve the quality and style of food, the smells and sounds arising from restaurants, the presence of locals and "co-ethnic" customers and staff, and the de´cor and iconography of the streetscape, buildings, and landmarks. Ethnic communities and local governments may also hold ethnic festivals and events which attract both tourists and locals. Focusing on the links between immigration, ethnic diversity, and tourism, this article concentrates on the supply side of one site of the ethnic tourism industry in Australia: that of ethnic precincts in Australian cities. Drawing on recent fieldwork with tourists, entrepreneurs, ethnic community leaders, and local and state government officials in two metropolitan ethnic precincts (Sydney's Chinatown and Perth's Northbridge), this article explores some critical dimensions of the interface between immigration, ethnic diversity, and tourism. The positioning of ethnic precincts as tourism products includes contradictory and complex issues of authenticity, employment, the representation of ethnicity, consultation with migrant communities, negotiations with local government authorities, and marketing and promotion activities. The article concludes that while historical patterns of immigration and immigrant settlement have changed over time, ethnic precincts are important, though changing, sites of urban ethnic tourism in Australia and thus fertile sites to begin to understand the complex and changing links between immigration, ethnic diversity, and tourism in contemporary cosmopolitan cities.

Australia has received one of the relatively largest and most diverse intakes of immigrants of any of the Western nations, with more than half of the population of Australia's largest cities first- or second-generation immigrants. The tourism literature places great importance on the cultural industries and the growth of cultural tourism in countries like Australia. But the link between immigration, ethnic diversity, and tourism, which we call ethnic tourism, in Australia and elsewhere has received little attention by scholars. By ethnic tourism we mean not only the tourism by ethnic minorities to countries like Australia but also the way that nonminority tourists-in Australia, this means British, New Zealand, and North American tourists-are attracted to ethnic tourist sites such as ethnic precincts. The cosmopolitan character of Australia's largest cities, a result of the great ethnic diversity of Australia's immigration intake over the past 60 years, has lead to the development of ethnic tourism, a subset of cultural tourism. Ethnic tourism thus includes tourism to destinations that are labeled, marketed, and identified with the cultural diversity of a particular minority ethnic group. Ethnic precincts such as Chinatown, Little Italy, Thaitown, and Koreatown attract customers who are locals, national tourists, or international tourists to experience the "ethnic neighborhoods" of the city. These customers are often attracted by the presence of ethnic businesses-restaurants, shops, services-set up by ethnic entrepreneurs. Some tourists may be seeking an "authentic" ethnic experience in the precinct. This may involve the quality and style of food, the smells and sounds arising from restaurants, the presence of locals and "co-ethnic" customers and staff, and the de´cor and iconography of the streetscape, buildings, and landmarks. Ethnic communities and local governments may also hold ethnic festivals and events which attract both tourists and locals. Focusing on the links between immigration, ethnic diversity, and tourism, this article concentrates on the supply side of one site of the ethnic tourism industry in Australia: that of ethnic precincts in Australian cities. Drawing on recent fieldwork with tourists, entrepreneurs, ethnic community leaders, and local and state government officials in two metropolitan ethnic precincts (Sydney's Chinatown and Perth's Northbridge), this article explores some critical dimensions of the interface between immigration, ethnic diversity, and tourism. The positioning of ethnic precincts as tourism products includes contradictory and complex issues of authenticity, employment, the representation of ethnicity, consultation with migrant communities, negotiations with local government authorities, and marketing and promotion activities. The article concludes that while historical patterns of immigration and immigrant settlement have changed over time, ethnic precincts are important, though changing, sites of urban ethnic tourism in Australia and thus fertile sites to begin to understand the complex and changing links between immigration, ethnic diversity, and tourism in contemporary cosmopolitan cities.

Current policy often focuses on 'Overcoming Indigenous Disadvantage' by simultaneously addressing multiple deficits that many Indigenous people experience relative to other Australians. International literature often frames such issues in terms of the contested concepts of social exclusion and social inclusion. This paper attempts to analyse what Indigenous social inclusion might look like in a plural society such as Australia. In addition to contextualising Australian policy in broader debates, this paper also briefly introduces several relevant theories of justice, diversity and Indigenous rights to provide a theoretical framework for conceptualising social inclusion. The article concludes with some reflections on some practical suggestions to move the debate forward. In principle, enhancing Indigenous social and political participation in policy design should both increase inclusion and reduce disadvantage by enhancing the effectiveness of programs that have a substantial Indigenous client base.

"Who Gets What? looks at recent trends in income and wealth in Australia and examines the economic evidence in a way that makes fascinating reading for both general and specialist audiences. The book looks at who is rich and who in Australia still lives in poverty - and why. It explores the causes of economic inequality and the possibility of making our society more equal. Ultimately, the authors offer their own solution to these problems, with policies which could redistribute income and wealth more equitably."--Jacket

Crises and interventions often generate opportunities for profitable business activities. This can have a significant effect on the outcomes of interventions. This article explores how economic interests can create crises and how the nature of interventions may be shaped by business interests. It looks further at the macroeconomic consequences of crises, the possibilities of corruption and neo-imperialism. Reference is made to examples of crises and interventions that illustrate these political economic concerns.

Crises and interventions often generate opportunities for profitable business activities. This can have a significant effect on the outcomes of interventions. This article explores how economic interests can create crises and how the nature of interventions may be shaped by business interests. It looks further at the macroeconomic consequences of crises, the possibilities of corruption and neo-imperialism. Reference is made to examples of crises and interventions that illustrate these political economic concerns.

Recent years have seen a burgeoning interest in developing indicator frameworks for 'Indigenous wellbeing'. Implicit in each of the frameworks are particular conceptions of what constitutes the 'good life' for Indigenous peoples and what 'Indigenous development' should entail. In developing these frameworks, then, certain judgements must be made about whether statistical equality should be prioritised as a 'development' goal. This issue has generated long‐standing debate and in this context must be broached anew. In this paper we briefly examine the growing interest in Indigenous wellbeing and outline three prominent indicator frameworks: the Productivity Commission's indicators for 'Overcoming Indigenous Disadvantage'; the 'capability indicators' developed by the Cape York Institute for Policy and Leadership; and the indicators of wellbeing developed by the United Nations Permanent Forum on Indigenous Issues. The first prioritises statistical equality between Indigenous and non‐Indigenous Australians; the second adds a concern with 'capabilities'; and the last emphasises the importance of distinct cultural preferences. We offer an assessment of these approaches, drawing in part on Amartya Sen's work. We argue that in seeking to improve the wellbeing of Indigenous Australians, policy‐makers should not only make their own normative assumptions clear, but also be aware of the implications of their decisions for constituents with different worldviews.

This statement outlines concerns with the 2018 Deloitte Access Economics review of the implementation of the recommendations of the Royal Commission into Aboriginal Deaths in Custody (RCIADIC). The statement is endorsed by 33 academic and professional experts in the policy areas examined by RCIADIC, including policy responses to Aboriginal deaths in custody. It suggests that the scope and methodology of the Deloitte review mean that it misrepresents governments' responses to RCIADIC, and has the potential to misinform policy and practice responses to Aboriginal deaths in custody. It is also evidence of a more widespread problem in Indigenous Affairs policy-making in Australia. In particular, current approaches too often ignore the principles of self-determination and the realities of policy as experienced by Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples. The statement calls for the development of national independent monitoring of the implementation of the recommendations of RCIADIC, for the Federal Government to fully embrace and enact the intent of the RCIADIC recommendations, and for the Federal Government to provide a response to the Australian Law Reform Commission's Inquiry on Indigenous Incarceration Rates (2017).

Intro -- Preface -- Acknowledgements -- Contents -- Abbreviations -- List of Figures -- List of Tables -- 1 Place Making, Migration and the Built Environment: An Introduction -- 1.1 Australia's Changing Patterns of Immigrant Settlement -- 1.2 Racialisation of Australian Immigration Policy and Australian Immigrants -- 1.3 Immigrant Entrepreneurship in Australia -- 1.4 Multiculturalism vs Cosmopolitanism -- 1.5 Methodology -- References -- 2 Immigrant Minorities and the Built Environment in New South Wales -- 2.1 Minority Immigrants and the Built Environment in Sydney's Chinatown -- 2.1.1 Immigration and Sydney's Chinatown -- 2.1.2 Chinatown as an Ethnic Precinct -- 2.1.3 Visitors' Voices -- 2.1.4 Regulating Chinatown -- 2.1.4.1 City of Sydney -- 2.1.4.2 Local Action Plans -- 2.1.4.3 State Government Agencies -- 2.1.4.4 Ethnic Entrepreneurs -- 2.1.5 Cosmopolitan Monuments in Chinatown -- 2.1.5.1 The Chinese Masonic Society Hall -- 2.1.5.2 The Chinese Youth League -- 2.2 Minority Immigrants and the Built Environment in Port Kembla -- 2.2.1 Port Kembla's Immigration History -- 2.2.2 Cosmopolitan Monuments in Port Kembla -- 2.2.2.1 Saint Dimitrija of Solun and Saint Kliment of Ohrid Macedonian Orthodox Churches -- 2.3 Minority Immigrants and the Built Environment in Griffith -- 2.3.1 Griffith's Immigration History -- 2.3.2 Cosmopolitan Monuments in Griffith -- 2.3.2.1 The 'Italian' Clubs -- 2.3.2.2 Coro Club -- 2.3.2.3 Yoogali Club -- 2.3.2.4 Catholic Club Yoogali -- 2.3.2.5 Hanwood Sports Club -- 2.3.2.6 Griffith Italian Museum and Cultural Centre -- 2.3.2.7 Gurdwara Singh Saba -- 2.3.2.8 Riaz Mosque -- References -- 3 Immigrant Minorities and the Built Environment in Queensland -- 3.1 Indigenous History of Queensland -- 3.2 Immigrant History of Queensland -- 3.3 Multiculturalism in Contemporary Queensland.