Islamisation of Turkey under the AKP Rule: Empowering Family, Faith and Charity
In: South European society & politics, Band 20, Heft 1, S. 47-23
ISSN: 1360-8746
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In: South European society & politics, Band 20, Heft 1, S. 47-23
ISSN: 1360-8746
In: South European society & politics, Band 20, Heft 1, S. 47-69
ISSN: 1743-9612
In: Problems of post-communism, Band 61, Heft 4, S. 50-65
ISSN: 1557-783X
In: The Middle East journal, Band 68, Heft 1, S. 177-178
ISSN: 0026-3141
In: Problems of post-communism, Band 61, Heft 4, S. 50-65
ISSN: 1075-8216
Modern communications technologies and transportation methods have lessened the distance between Circassians at home and abroad while increasing their self-esteem and activism. Adapted from the source document.
Work Package 5: New Knowledge on Tolerance and Cultural Diversity in Europe ; The ACCEPT PLURALISM project (2010-2013) is funded by the European Commission under the Seventh Framework Programme, Socio-economic Sciences and Humanities. (Call FP7-SSH-2009-A, Grant Agreement no: 243837). Coordinator: Prof. Anna Triandafyllidou, Robert Schuman Centre for Advanced Studies, European University Institute.
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In: Perceptions: journal of international affairs, Band 18, Heft 3, S. 63-92
ISSN: 1300-8641
In: European Welfare states: citizenship, nationalism and conflict, S. 177-198
In: Transnationale Migration am Beispiel Deutschland und Türkei, S. 131-146
Der Verfasser untersucht die Zusammenhänge zwischen Nation, Kultur, Identität und Staatsbürgerschaft am Beispiel von Deutsch-TürkInnen. In einem ersten Schritt behandelt er die wechselnden Bestimmungen der Gesetzgebung zur Staatsbürgerschaft und deren Auswirkungen auf Deutsch-Türkinnen. In einem zweiten Schritt wendet er sich Aspekten des so genannten "dritten Raums" zu. Dieser dient als Basis für die Konstruktion und Rekonstruktion der Identität transnationaler MigrantInnen. Abschließend fasst er die Diskussionen um Staatsbürgerschaft und nationale Identität zusammen. Er formuliert das Postulat, dass sich die Gesetzgebung zur Staatsbürgerschaft nicht auf vorgegebene kulturelle, sprachliche, religiöse oder ethnische Kriterien stützen darf. (ICE2)
Work Package 4: National Case Studies of Challenges to Tolerance in Political Life ; The ACCEPT PLURALISM project (2010-2013) is funded by the European Commission under the Seventh Framework Programme, Socio-economic Sciences and Humanities. (Call FP7-SSH-2009-A, Grant Agreement no: 243837). Coordinator: Prof. Anna Triandafyllidou, Robert Schuman Centre for Advanced Studies, European University Institute.
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In: Citizenship studies, Band 16, Heft 2, S. 153-172
ISSN: 1469-3593
In: Transnationale Migration am Beispiel Deutschland und Türkei, S. 131-146
Work Package 4: National Case Studies of Challenges to Tolerance in Political Life ; The ACCEPT PLURALISM project (2010-2013) is funded by the European Commission under the Seventh Framework Programme, Socio-economic Sciences and Humanities. (Call FP7-SSH-2009-A, Grant Agreement no: 243837). Coordinator: Prof. Anna Triandafyllidou, Robert Schuman Centre for Advanced Studies, European University Institute.
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This paper aims to shed light upon the dynamics of community construction by migrants of Turkish origin, or what I call Euro-Turks, and their descendants residing in European countries such as Germany, France, Belgium and the Netherlands.1 A retrospective analysis of the dynamics of community construction among the Euro-Turks reveals that they have always been engaged in producing and reproducing communities deriving from various needs. The construction of communities is sometimes a response to social-economic deprivation, sometimes to the form of affiliation with the homeland, and sometimes to the transition of the welfare state into post-social prudentialist state. This paper claims that Euro-Turks have become more occupied with the construction and articulation of ethno-cultural and religious communities in the last two decades due to the ascendancy of culturalist and civilizationist discourse along with neo-liberal forms of governmentality (Foucault, 1979) essentializing ethnic, cultural and religious boundaries, and generating an Islamophobic, migrantphobic and xenophobic climate in the west. As Wendy Brown (2010: 33) rightly stated the civilizationist discourse brought two disparate images together in order to produce a single figure of danger justifying exclusion and closure: "the hungry masses" and "cultural-religious aggression toward Western values." The growing stream of citizenship tests, attitude tests, zero-tolerance policy towards unqualified migrants, and negative public opinion vis-a-vis migrants, in general, results in that the European countries are recently inclined to be more assimilationist vis-a-vis Muslim origin migrant populations, who are perceived to be hostile toward Western values. Social, political and economic changes at global level have brought about the revitalization of an Islamophobic discourse in a way that leads to the redefinition of community boundaries through nationalist and religious lines. "I fear that we are approaching a situation resembling the tragic fate of ...
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The aim of this paper is to provide a review of the contemporary literature on Islamophobia in Europe, through the lens of immigration issues, socio-economic status and civic participation of Muslim origin migrants and their descendants as well as international constraints. In addition to critically reviewing the current state of knowledge and debate about Islamophobia through the literature, the paper seeks to address the most recent data, survey findings and public discourses available about the current state of Islamophobia in Europe. In the process, some references will also be made to the current rise of Islamophobia in the United States and its differences with the European context. Describing Islamophobia as a form of governmentality in Foucaultian sense, I shall argue that it operates as a form of cultural racism in Europe, which has become apparent together with the process of securitizing and stigmatizing migration and migrants in the age of neo-liberalism. Furthermore, I shall also claim that the growing Islamophobic form of governmentality has produced unintended consequences on both minorities and majorities in a way that has so far led to the political and social instrumentalization of Islam by Muslim origin minorities, and to the deployment of an antimulticulturalist discourse by the majority societies in the west.
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