Suchergebnisse

This book re-evaluates the concept of anarchy in International Relations by drawing on anarchist thought. It is the first scholarly work to draw on historical anarchism to construct an international theory premised on the idea of states as anarchists. It puts forward a constructivist account of state behavior, termed 'polite anarchy', to theorize diplomacy, an area of IR which is increasingly recognized within the discipline as being under-theorized, by drawing on a contextual historical study of the idiom of politeness in the anarchist thought of the late-Enlightenment British radical, William Godwin, generally considered to be the founder of modern philosophical anarchism. The book will be of interest to a wide range of scholars and students of International Relations, the history of political thought, international political theory and anarchism, as well as historians and practitioners in the field of diplomacy and Godwin scholars.

Scholarly interest in radical Islam is long-standing and crosses multiple disciplines. Yet, while the labelling of Islam and Muslim actors as 'radical' is extensive, this has not been interrogated as a particular scholarly practice. And while studies of non-Western radicalism have grown in recent years, cross-cultural analysis of radicalism as a particular concept in political thought has been neglected. This article aims to begin to address this question, with reference to radical Islam. By treating radicalism as a meta-concept, it identifies radical Islam as a malleable and composite category that is constituted by, and made legible through, conceptual properties associated with four discourses in the study of radicalism with origins in the Western academy: Euro-radicalism, identified with the European left and critical theory; fundamentalism; radicalisation; and liberalism. I argue that radical Islam is under-theorised and over-determined as a scholarly category. This can be explained by how concepts originating in the Western academy to address Western contexts and phenomena function as master frameworks, narratives, or pivots against or around which radical Islam is defined. This is the case even when Eurocentrism is contested by critical theorists who tend to reproduce it because they do not abandon Western conceptions of radicalism but rather draw on them. Academic accounts of radical Islam also authenticate Islam by advancing selective, strategic or apologetic descriptions of what constitutes radicalism. In these ways, critical scholarship, including within IR, can also be insufficiently attentive to marginal and heterodox voices that fall outside hegemonic conceptions of Islamic normativity.

AbstractScholarly interest in radical Islam is long-standing and crosses multiple disciplines. Yet, while the labelling of Islam and Muslim actors as 'radical' is extensive, this has not been interrogated as a particular scholarly practice. And while studies of non-Western radicalism have grown in recent years, cross-cultural analysis of radicalism as a particular concept in political thought has been neglected. This article aims to begin to address this question, with reference to radical Islam. By treating radicalism as a meta-concept, it identifies radical Islam as a malleable and composite category that is constituted by, and made legible through, conceptual properties associated with four discourses in the study of radicalism with origins in the Western academy: Euro-radicalism, identified with the European left and critical theory; fundamentalism; radicalisation; and liberalism. I argue that radical Islam is under-theorised and over-determined as a scholarly category. This can be explained by how concepts originating in the Western academy to address Western contexts and phenomena function as master frameworks, narratives, or pivots against or around which radical Islam is defined. This is the case even when Eurocentrism is contested by critical theorists who tend to reproduce it because they do not abandon Western conceptions of radicalism but rather draw on them. Academic accounts of radical Islam also authenticate Islam by advancing selective, strategic or apologetic descriptions of what constitutes radicalism. In these ways, critical scholarship, including within IR, can also be insufficiently attentive to marginal and heterodox voices that fall outside hegemonic conceptions of Islamic normativity.

Rainwater harvesting is an old-aged water collection method in geographic locations where rainfall is abundant. Bangladesh has a tropical monsoon climate characterized by heavy seasonal rain. Cox's Bazar is located on the southern tip of Bangladesh and receives higher rainfall than the national average. Without considering the sustainability, people in Chittagong and other urban areas in Bangladesh are still reluctant to use this abundant source. The scenario of Chittagong city is closer to a condition where the city might face a permanent water crisis, once the underground aquifers go down below the pumping level or the aquifers become dry. In addition, extensive use of groundwater in Cox's Bazar due to the influx of Rohingya refugees has depleted the groundwater to dangerous levels. Rooftop rainwater harvesting in Cox's Bazar would help to reduce the dependence on groundwater tube-wells. The role of local government regarding finance, training, awareness campaign and policy about rainwater harvesting needs to improve in utilizing rainwater for reducing dependence on groundwater tube-wells.

This paper explores how Ghadar's legacy is interpreted by the Punjabi literary movement in Punjab, Pakistan. Putting Ghadar's poetry into conversation with the work of these contemporary activists sheds light on unexplored facets of both. It unveils how these writers and thespians invoke Ghadar to subvert the narrow discourse of "Punjabiyat" and ethno-nationalist identity, and allows us to appreciate the politics of language that underpinned Ghadar di Goonj. The intertwining of these histories of literary dissent raises key questions for debates around radical literature and progressive writing in South Asia, by highlighting the role of vernaculars in reading subaltern consciousness and native traditions of revolt.

This paper explores how Ghadar's legacy is interpreted by the Punjabi literary movement in Punjab, Pakistan. Putting Ghadar's poetry into conversation with the work of these contemporary activists sheds light on unexplored facets of both. It unveils how these writers and thespians invoke Ghadar to subvert the narrow discourse of "Punjabiyat" and ethno-nationalist identity, and allows us to appreciate the politics of language that underpinned Ghadar di Goonj. The intertwining of these histories of literary dissent raises key questions for debates around radical literature and progressive writing in South Asia, by highlighting the role of vernaculars in reading subaltern consciousness and native traditions of revolt.

This article explores the ideological relationship between free market capitalism and Islamism. While existing studies have attended to Islam's engagement with capitalism, less attention has been given to the ideological intimacy of this relationship and, in particular, the increasing presence of radical free market thought in global Islamist politics, or what I have termed 'libertarian Islamism'. The dominant narrative of Islamism, thus, constricts our understanding of the wider ideological ecology at play in the global political mobilization of Islam. While political Islam is often regarded as being rooted in a broadly leftist intellectual milieu, it has rather encapsulated variant conceptions of liberty, both left and right, and is currently undergoing what one might term a 'free-market turn'. Within this milieu, a distinctly radical, anti-statist libertarian ideology has also emerged with an intimate relationship to conservative libertarian activists in the West. The presence of libertarian Islamism serves to recalibrate dominant understandings of 'radical' Islam and its purportedly fractious ideological relationship with the West.

This paper sheds light on the creative interpretation of Ghadar's legacy by the Marxist Punjabi movement in Pakistan, which began in the 1960s. Putting Ghadar di Goonj and Ghadar's cultural politics into conversation with the work of these contemporary activists sheds light on unexplored facets of both. It unveils how these activists invoke Ghadar to subvert the narrow discourse of "Punjabiyat" and avoid being reduced to an ethno-linguistic and nationalist movement in a country where Punjab remains the dominant region, and allows an appreciation of the politics of language which underpinned Ghadri poetry. The intertwining of these histories of literary dissent reveals how Ghadar's cultural politics connect with the Punjabi movement through an understanding of Punjabi as a working class language, and a vessel for subaltern consciousness and native traditions of revolt.