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The article examines the personality of "Chairman Mao's good soldier" Lei Feng — a soldier of the People's Liberation Army of China, who died tragically in 1962. On March 5, 1963, on the initiative of Mao Zedong, a political and ideological campaign was announced in China under the slogan "Learn from Lei Feng". In order to consolidate the positive image of Lei Feng in the mass consciousness of the people of the PRC, the possibilities of culture and art were widely used. The largest-scale political and ideological campaign under the slogan "Learn from Comrade Lei Feng!" acquired in the first years after the death of Lei Feng and during the "cultural revolution" (1966-1976). In 1977 Lei Feng's study campaign unfolded with renewed vigor. In the 1980s, the mass movement gradually began to fade. The CPC leadership made significant efforts to preserve it in 1980-1981, to revive it in 1987 and after the tragic events in Tiananmen Square (1989). Since 2012, there has been an increase in this campaign. Currently, Lei Feng is the personification of altruism, volunteering and helping others, carried out on a selfless basis. In this capacity, the image of Lei Feng is used in the public discourse of modern China. The Chinese media constantly refer to stories, the heroes of which are ordinary Chinese — "modern Lei Feng'". The cult of Lei Feng, persistently promoted by the CCP for decades, confronts the recently widespread facts of corruption in various (including the highest) echelons of political power.

When establishing human rights violations committed by the state, should it be violation of internationally protected rights or constitutional rights, the violator is obliged to compensate for the harm caused. In the meantime, neither international sources, nor national legal acts and case law answer the question whether the obligation to compensate is exhausted by the compensation awarded in accordance with a decision of an international judicial body or such a payment has punitive nature, and the state keeps the obligation to compensate the damage within the frameworks of national proceedings. Following the first part of opening remarks the second part of the article studies universal international law approach towards the state obligation to compensate for human rights violations, it reviews positions of the International Court of Justice, the model established in international customary law of international responsibility. The third part discusses the compensation mechanism of the European Court of Human Rights and a number of cases where the Russian Federation was the respondent state. The forth part considers national regulation of the Council of Europe states and case law thereof. The author argues that the established international case law in respect of awarding compensations for human rights violations is too restrictive – it does not take into account a complex nature of this phenomenon which includes both correction of the individual applicant situation (restitution of the pre-existed situation) and prevention of similar situations in the future. It is concluded that awarding the compensation by an international body primarily constitutes a measure of international responsibility whereas consideration by a national court is a more effective means of restitution of the applicants rights and that the national court shall not deny consideration of applicants claims due to the fact that they have already been awarded compensation by the international judicial body including the European Court of Human Rights.

This study investigates Internet Corporation of Assigned Names and Numbers' (ICANN) new generic top-level domain (gTLD) programme, exploring how it a shape of 'community' suitable for domain name system (DNS) expansion is constituted. Despite the apparent goal of promoting rights to freedom of expression and free association, the prevalence of the controlled vocabulary model results in preference for unopposed entities with clear hierarchical structures and strict membership boundaries. This creates a TLD landscape incapable of encompassing the heterogeneity and uncertainty of many existing communities, but helps to reinforce ICANN's discourse surrounding the function of the DNS and its role in Internet governance.

This article examines China's position on the Ukrainian 'Euromaidan' crisis over Crimea, on the war in the southeast of Ukraine and on sanctions against Russia. A complex set of reasons (economic, political and geopolitical) have caused heightened interest on the part of China in the events in the Ukraine. From the start, China kept a very low profile and right up to late February 2014, made no strong statements on the crisis in Ukraine and shunned any diplomatic initiatives. Thereafter, China's official stand began to exhibit increasingly frequent signs of anti-Western rhetoric, an indication of its position over the situation in Ukraine nudging closer to that of the Russian Federation. China has swung gradually, and somewhat ambiguously, towards support for Russia primarily due to geopolitical reasons. Also, China and Russia share the desire to put up a united front in response to attempts by the United States and other Western countries to impose their attitudes on other countries.

Much research has shown that online news engenders greater political participation, but less attention has been paid to how the relationship can be suppressed by government online surveillance and censorship, especially as Internet freedoms continue to decline in many parts of the world. Drawing from 2017–20 World Value Survey and Varieties of Democracy project data, we conducted multilevel analyses across forty-four countries from seven continents that have different political and media systems. Results showed that online news and online surveillance were positively related to political engagement while online censorship was negatively related. Cross-level interactions also showed some support for the informational theory of repression, whereby the relationships among online news, surveillance, and engagement were conditioned at different levels of online censorship. The results suggest that while country-level online surveillance and censorship is highly correlated, varying levels can engender or suppress political engagement in different ways, which have implications for future studies on the dynamics of government digital repression and citizen participation in politics from a global comparative perspective.

The article deals with the analysis of the social order conditions, which are natural for a human and which are explained through personification of cultural meanings and locality that has ethnic context. Generalization of knowledge about the socio-natural relationships in a person's life has been performed using the principle of consistency and socio-cognitive approach. The multifaceted nature of dynamics of the mentality, on which the trust to authorities is based, and which draws upon the subconsciously normalized ethnic consciousness, is emphasized. It is shown that the main means of total control in the context of the natural social order is the indirect metadiscursive communicative impact through the introduction of semantic settings hidden behind the outer side of symbolic and speech practices. In conclusion, the stability of the non-violent mechanism for maintaining the social order in spite of ongoing political and cultural transformations is emphasized. The destruction of the natural social order is made possible as a result of discursive provocations shifting the basic semantic and value-related references that are inherent in the subconscious. DOI:10.5901/mjss.2015.v6n3s3p265

This article addresses the issues of evidence and proof in cases of antitrust law violations, presented from the perspectives of both competition law and arbitration process. The aim of the study is to justify the necessity of establishing an institution of evidence and proof as a distinct structure within competition law. General scientific methods are used as methods: induction, deduction, modeling. The results of the study represent several ways of forming the institution of evidence and proof in competition law: 1. based on the material of one of the procedural codes, 2. as an independent institution of competition law without the application of procedural codes, 3. or with the application of reference norms based on (or linked to) one of the procedural codes. Conclusion dwells upon the necessity of creating an institution of evidence and proof in competition law, which will contribute to the improvement of law enforcement and reduce the number of judicial errors in cases arising from antitrust law violations.

Research Article published by the Asian Journal of Mathematics and Applications ; Maize Lethal Necrosis disease (MLND) is a viral disease that can cause fatal damage to the crop of maize plants. This is very common in East Africa countries and Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). In this manuscript, a mathematical model has been developed to study and analyze the dynamics of the MLND in the maize crop population. The disease free (DFE) and endemic equilibrium (EE) points of the model has been com- puted and the basic reproduction number (R0) derived using the next generation matrix method. We performed sensitivity analysis by using parametric values from literature and estimated ones. We found that the rates of transmission, mo, o and mm are the most positively sensitive parameters. Numerical simulations were also performed to verify the an- alytical results.Thus, this research work recommends that deliberate strategic intervention should be targeted on the disease transmission rates which are signi cant for MLND trans- mission in order to eradicate the disease or reduce the intensity of the disease transmission in the maize population.

Perceived misinformation exposure (PME) among citizens is a global phenomenon and a normative concern because it can lead to reduced trust and faith in democratic institutions, actors, and processes. Using secondary data from multiple sources, this study analyzed individuals' online news habits across forty-six countries in six continents (North America, South America, Europe, Asia, Africa, and Australia: N = 91,061) and country-level factors from the resilience to online disinformation framework that shape the relationship between distributed discovery of news and PME. Multilevel analyses showed that increased incidental news exposure and searching for news online at the individual level and news sharing on social media at the country level increased PME while aggregate media trust reduced PME. Cross-level interactions also indicated that higher levels of public service media in a country attenuated the relationship between online news search and PME, exhibiting what we call soft resilience. This study demonstrates the theoretical utility of the resilience to disinformation framework and certain country-level factors that can affect the individual-level dynamics of news consumption and PME.