RECENSIONI: Gian Franco Lami, Forme logiche e scienza del diritto in Angelo Ermanno Cammarata
In: Nuovi studi politici: rivista bimestrale, Band 36, Heft 3-4, S. 175-180
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In: Nuovi studi politici: rivista bimestrale, Band 36, Heft 3-4, S. 175-180
This data article provides descriptive and analytic exploration of the links between anti-immigration policies, ideological and political attitudes and voting in an Italian Sample. More specifically, the data set comprises measures of socio-political dispositions (e.g., Right-Wing Authoritarianism), social world views (e.g. Dangerous World Beliefs), populist attitudes, self-reported voting in the last Italian political elections (March 4, 2018), and conspiracy beliefs. The sample consists of 774 participants, mostly non-student adult individuals. Participants completed an anonymous questionnaire
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This data article provides descriptive and analytic exploration of the links between anti-immigration policies, ideological and political attitudes and voting in an Italian Sample. More specifically, the data set comprises measures of socio-political dispositions (e.g., Right-Wing Authoritarianism), social world views (e.g., Dangerous World Beliefs), populist attitudes, self-reported voting in the last Italian political elections (March 4, 2018), and conspiracy beliefs. The sample consists of 774 participants, mostly non-student adult individuals. Participants completed an anonymous questionnaire.
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In: Society and natural resources, Band 31, Heft 10, S. 1103-1117
ISSN: 1521-0723
In: Environment and behavior: eb ; publ. in coop. with the Environmental Design Research Association, Band 44, Heft 1, S. 87-106
ISSN: 1552-390X
Ecotourism in natural protected areas is receiving growing international recognition as a means to enhance sustainability. Nonetheless, research on ecotourism and, in particular, on young ecotourists segmentation is still scarce. This study aimed at segmenting the market of young tourists using a range of psychosociological factors. First, a sample of 365 young tourists was segmented on the basis of holiday motivations (considered driving factors of attitudes and behaviors). Second, each group identified was characterized by a consistent set of other psychosociological variables, such as personality traits, personal values, general environmental beliefs, and behavioral variables (ecotourism behavioral intentions and consumption habits). The results show that about 80% of the sample would be open to the ecotourism, and different communication strategies for promoting ecotourism for different segments of potential ecotourists are also proposed.
In: Analyses of social issues and public policy, Band 23, Heft 2, S. 474-494
ISSN: 1530-2415
AbstractThe present work proposes that the relation of employment conditions (i.e., unemployment and precarious work vs. permanent employment) with participation in collective action and satisfaction with life depends on the extent to which acceptance of inequality is high or low, and that collective action mediates the association between employment conditions and satisfaction with life. We analyzed data from the European Social Survey (Round 8, 2016) and found that (1) when acceptance of inequality is low (vs. high), employment disadvantage is positively related to engagement in collective action and, in turn, satisfaction with life; (2) employment disadvantage is negatively related to satisfaction with life, and this relation increases when acceptance of inequality is low (vs. high). This study generates findings of interest to inequality researchers by showing the relevance of acceptance of inequality for collective action and life satisfaction in the context of employment.
Grounded in the theoretical framework of the dual-process motivational model of ideology and politics, we investigated the mediational role of RWA and SDO on the relationship between voting for populist parties and conspiracy beliefs; the moderation of political interest was also explored. Collapsing different convenience samples gathered after the European election (2014/2015) and the General National Election (2018/2019) allowed us to analyse two datasets (Study 1, n = 4141; Study 2, n = 2301). We hypothesised that populist voters would report higher conspiracy beliefs, RWA, and SDO, compared to non-populist voters and abstainers, and that populist voters would report more conspiracy beliefs through indirect pathways running through RWA and SDO. Furthermore, we hypothesised that such direct and indirect associations would be stronger for individuals with high rather than low political interest. Analyses of variance and moderated mediation models mostly confirmed our expectations, although RWA, and not SDO, mediated the relationships in the expected directions.
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