Suchergebnisse

I want to focus on two recent debates in Germany from the same inaugural period of Germany's SPD–Green government, which both have as their focus the contestation of memory in relation to the Holocaust. In both debates the Holocaust serves as a negative myth of origin and a primal phantasmatic scene of guilt and shame around which German national identifications are organised. The first is the Walser–Bubis debate and the second the much more protracted but no less fierce debate about the building of a Holocaust memorial in Berlin, which peaked around the same time. Both debates are important in the German context because they come at the end of a long period of Christian Democratic (CDU) rule and at the beginning of a new SPD era in German politics. They are significant, moreover, because they appear to send contradictory messages about German self- understanding to the international community.

This essay focuses on the questions of whether German unification resulted in a wholesale retreat of intellectuals from politics and engagement with social issues, as the rhetoric of failure would indicate, or whether the key debates of the period can be read instead as a sign that Germany is on the road to becoming a more 'normal' European nation. Before returning to these issuesat the end of this paper I first provide a broad historical and theoretical context for my discussion of the role of the concerned intellectual in Germany, before offering an overview of the respective functions of literary intellectuals in both German states in the post-war period. I then address a series of key debates and discussions in 1989 and the early nineteen-nineties that were responsible for changing the forms of engagement in intellectual debates in post-unification German society. I argue that the 1990s and early years of the new millennium hastened the disappearance of the writer as a universal intellectual and focused attention on the writer as an individualist and a professional. Today's youngest generation of writer in Germany is a specialist intellectual who intervenes in political and social matters from time to time but who is not expected to take a moral-ethical stance on most issues of national and international concern. S/he is one who frequently writes about personal subjects, but may also occasionally, as witnessed after September 11, turn his or her pen to topics of global concern as in terrorism and Islam. More often than not, however, writers now leave the work of commenting on political affairs to writers of the older guard and to other 'senior' specialist intellectuals.

Weshalb faszinieren und inspirieren die Sieben Todsünden bis heute – auch und gerade obwohl theologische Kommentare längst an Verbindlichkeit eingebüßt haben? In exemplarischen Studien widmet sich der Sammelband der Wirkungsgeschichte der Sieben Todsünden in den unterschiedlichen Künsten: Literatur und bildende Kunst, Film und Fernsehen. Der Fokus liegt weniger auf einer Ideengeschichte der Todsünden als auf deren Formelhaftigkeit, die gerade im Verblassen der ursprünglichen Hintergründe ihre Wirkmacht in breiter diskursiver Streuung entfaltet. Dabei reichen die vielfältigen Fortschreibungen und Transformationen weit über das frühe Mittelalter und die klassische Theologie hinaus und zeigen in der Moderne und Postmoderne verstärkt nur noch Allusionen auf die ursprünglich religiöse Ordnungsphantasie. So werden die Todsünden zu einem intermedialen Fundus für ethische und politische Reflexionen, ästhetische Transformationen und künstlerische Experimente. Der Band versammelt Studien, die sich aus literatur-, medien- und kulturwissenschaftlicher Perspektive sowohl den einzelnen Todsünden superbia, invidia, ira, acedia, avaritia, gula, luxuria als auch dem Septenar insgesamt widmen.