Suchergebnisse

At a time when party politics is becoming increasingly personalised, conventional wisdom argues that the party leaders' power in organisations is on the rise. However, scholarship has not yet provided a thorough and systematic analysis of the role of party leaders that offers theoretical and empirical specification. The aim of this article is to provide an analytical framework for the study of party leadership by examining the concept of leadership autonomy and its components. This new conceptualisation is then applied to a number of different parties across Western Europe, showing how leadership autonomy varies across countries and different party organisations. The conclusion sets out the implications for party change and highlights the importance of placing the leaders' role at the centre of the empirical analysis of political parties.

AbstractWhereas many advanced democracies experience a long‐term process of dealignment, the impact of age, period and cohort on late deciders and vote switchers is still unclear. In addition, extant research fails to systematically examine the determinants that account for the time of vote decision compared to explanations of vote change at the individual level. Drawing on pooled data that include election surveys for Portuguese legislative elections held between 2002 and 2019, this study analyses the impact of age, period and cohort on late deciders and vote switchers. The findings indicate that age has a significant impact on both phenomena, while period effects are important only for the time of vote decision. Finally, the lack of partisan identities and short‐term factors, in particular ambivalence towards the main party leaders, are relevant for explaining electoral indecision and inter‐election volatility.

AbstractDespite the development of empirical research on the relations between parties and interest groups, the topic is still understudied and presents several shortcomings. On the one hand, this relationship has been studied mostly from the political parties' point of view. On the other, there is a lack of consensus regarding the determinants of party–group connection. This study aims to advance our knowledge on the topic by examining the relationship between interest groups and political parties in Southern European countries (Greece, Italy, Portugal, and Spain). By relying on new data collected through an expert survey, we focus specifically on the strength of the linkage established between parties and interest groups, as well as their determinants. The results suggest that there is a great variation in party–group links, which is explained mostly by party characteristics, namely the type of parties, ideology, and their electoral strength.

Recensión de la obra: VARGAS, A. Y FONSECA, T. (2019). Como funciona o parlamento. Lisboa: Assembleia da República

AbstractThe literature on populist parties has tended to look at this new phenomenon as distinct from traditional party models. While there are a number of studies focusing on specific dimensions, there have been few attempts to systematically examine the features of these new players through the eyes of distinct party types. This work uses the case of Podemos to highlight what distinguished this new party from mainstream parties. We consider the following dimensions: the genetic model, ideological and programmatic stances, its organization, and the profile of its electoral base. It is shown that Podemos presents hybrid characteristics, combining those of traditional party models with the characteristics transposed from the digital culture. The findings also show that populist parties evolve similarly to mainstream parties and this evolution depends not only on electoral and strategic pressures, but also on the process of institutionalization. The lessons of Podemos will allow us to discuss comparable cases from contemporary democracies, thus strengthening our findings and generating more robust evidence about the (alleged) novelty of populist parties with regard to party models.

Abstract
This article examines party system change in Italy after the emergence of the economic crisis, focusing on the radical shift experienced with the 2013 general elections. By considering several indicators such as party system fragmentation, electoral volatility, issues of competition and patterns of government, this study provides a systematic and comprehensive assessment of the main dimensions of change and continuity experienced by the Italian party system over the last decades. The article argues that the economic crisis was only partially responsible for the instability of the party system, while long-term factors of erosion were crucial to foster party system change. In particular, the crisis of party organizations contributed to the success of new actors, the regeneration of party leadership and the emergence of new patterns of government. The Italian case thus offers interesting insights on the concept of party system deinstitutionalization and on the interaction between institutional change, party strategies and electoral dynamics.

The aim of this article is to analyze the current characteristics and dynamics of the Italian political system, focussing on the main patterns of continuity and change that emerged after the 2013 legislative elections. The disintegration of the centre-right coalition, the emergence of new political forces, as well as the rise of new leaders have profoundly reshaped the Italian party system. On the other hand, the economic crisis has reinforced negative attitudes towards democratic institutions and the main political actors. These phenomena have led to an extremely fluid political system and an uncertain future, which has been aggravated by a never-ending debate on institutional reforms. Adapted from the source document.