In: Political geography: an interdisciplinary journal for all students of political studies with an interest in the geographical and spatial aspects, Band 108, S. 103012
"This book counters the common understanding of study abroad in Latin America as a White and middle-class colonizer practice and re-imagines it to fit the needs of Latinx immigrant/transnational higher education students. The book centers Latinx youth inhabiting familial heritage spaces as a pathway toward a deeper understanding of themselves as racialized and colonized individuals, reframing study abroad for Latinx youth as a way for them to reclaim, negotiate and strengthen their own immigrant/Latino/a/Chicano/a and other identities. The text is undergirded by a theoretical argument based on decolonial methods in education and Critical Race Theory and draws on counter-stories, rich descriptive interviews and participant observations across 26 years of combined experience leading educational trips to Latin America. The authors analyze, reflect and critique the field of study abroad to advocate for the rethinking of recruitment strategies, pedagogical experiences, language practices and community partnerships that include Latino/a, Chicano/a and Latin American immigrant youth and their families from the beginning. They present a new conceptualization of Latinx immigrant students studying abroad as engaging opportunities for reclaiming heritage, culture, histories and language, for exploring a sense of identity and obligation to Latin communities, and for healing from the effects on Whiteness and ethnocentrism in ways online possible outside the continental United States. As such, the book shifts the gaze of the entire field towards new diversities showcasing examples of how educational trips abroad can be re-envisioned to suit the needs of ethnically minoritized students in the United States. This volume will appeal to scholars, researchers, educators, and education officers working across higher education and international education, looking for contemporary, global and forward-thinking decolonial methodologies"--
Support for Ukraine against Russian aggression has been strong across Europe, but it is far from uniform. An expert survey of the positions taken by political parties in 29 countries conducted mid-2023 reveals that 97 of 269 parties reject one or more of the following: providing weapons, hosting refugees, supporting Ukraine's path to European Union membership, or accepting higher energy costs. Where the perceived threat from Russia is most severe, we find the greatest levels of support for Ukraine. However, ideology appears to be far more influential. The level of a party's populist rhetoric and its European Union skepticism explain the bulk of variation in support for Ukraine despite our finding that many strongly populist and European Union-skeptical parties take moderate pro-Ukraine positions when in government.
"A Professional Foreigner aims to provide insight into the profession itself, what it was like at a particular period of history to play even a minor role in the steady stream of history, in the more mundane world of daily events, often out of the view of the media and world attention. It portrays a workday American professional diplomat - a Foreign Service officer - what they think and what they do all day"--
"A Professional Foreigner aims to provide insight into the profession itself, what it was like at a particular period of history to play even a minor role in the steady stream of history, in the more mundane world of daily events, often out of the view of the media and world attention. It portrays a workday American professional diplomat - a Foreign Service officer - what they think and what they do all day"--
Can we live with being merely a brain with a history of being souls? Can our supra-nature, learnt in the crucible of religion and expressed in theology, survive without being exiled to the quantum mysteries of consciousness? Our very survival depends on these questions being answered in this non-expert conversational work.
AbstractA large and growing body of research draws attention to the rising salience of socio‐cultural and identitarian issues and, potentially, the emergence of a new political cleavage that divides voters on those issues. However, the micro‐foundations of this transformation are less well understood. Here we take a voter‐perspective to evaluate how party competition has been restructured in the eyes of the voter. We leverage measures of citizens' self‐reported probabilities to vote for alternative political parties in the European Election Study voter surveys between 1999 and 2019 in order to map electoral affinity and opposition among party families. We estimate to what extent spatial location on the economic left–right dimension and the GAL‐TAN dimension explain the patterns that emerge, and how this has changed over time. Our results provide evidence of a substantial shift in voter assessment from party competition structured along the economic left–right dimension to competition structured along the GAL‐TAN dimension. We also find great separation of TAN parties from other parties, with the deepest antipathy between the TAN parties and greens.
How has the COVID-19 pandemic affected boundaries of solidarity? Human-induced crises that impose asymmetric costs tend to sharpen pre-existing divides, but natural disasters often strengthen solidarity. The pandemic possesses properties of both kinds of crisis. In a panel survey conducted in Northern Italy, the initial epicenter of the pandemic, we asked respondents to complete conjoint tasks querying who was likely to violate health guidelines (wave 1) and who should be prioritized for vaccine distribution (wave 2). We find that while discrimination towards the rich is nearly universal, bias against other outgroups depends on ideology and personal experience with the crisis. Leftwing individuals display discrimination towards partisan outgroups, while those on the right display ethnic bias. However, this effect is conditional: those who suffered a significant income loss but no health effects display heightened discrimination, while respondents who experienced COVID-19 as a personal health crisis are less likely to penalize outgroups.