Gender Attitudes, Gendered Partisanship: Feminism and Support for Sarah Palin and Hillary Clinton among Party Activists
In: Journal of women, politics & policy, Band 37, Heft 4, S. 394-416
ISSN: 1554-4788
In: Journal of women, politics & policy, Band 37, Heft 4, S. 394-416
ISSN: 1554-4788
In: State politics & policy quarterly: the official journal of the State Politics and Policy section of the American Political Science Association, Band 15, Heft 1, S. 24-40
ISSN: 1946-1607
AbstractWe investigate whether Maine and Arizona's Clean Elections laws, which provide public funding for state legislative candidates, are responsible for producing a new cadre of legislators who are unusually ideologically extreme. We find that there is essentially no important difference in the legislative voting behavior of "clean" funded legislators and traditionally funded ones in either Arizona or Maine: those who are financed by private donors are no more or less ideologically extreme than those who are supported by the state. This finding calls into question some concerns about the effects on polarization of money generally and public funding in particular.
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In: State Politics & Policy Quarterly (Forthcoming)
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In: The Forum: a journal of applied research in contemporary politics, Band 12, Heft 2
ISSN: 1540-8884
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In: APSA 2013 Annual Meeting Paper
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In: American Journal of Political Science, v58, n2, April 2014, pp. 337-351
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In: Political research quarterly: PRQ ; official journal of Western Political Science Association, Pacific Northwest Political Science Association, Southern California Political Science Association, Northern California Political Science Association, Band 65, Heft 1, S. 104-124
ISSN: 1065-9129
In: Political research quarterly: PRQ ; official journal of the Western Political Science Association and other associations, Band 65, Heft 1
ISSN: 1938-274X
Studies comparing the ideological leanings of voters and elected officials are often hampered by the lack of a common measure. The authors use legislative referenda-on which state legislators and voters both vote on the same issue-as bridging observations to develop a common measure for both. They use this measure to help assess two theories of legislative representation, the well-known dyadic model and a partisan model that assumes legislators are also accountable to a collective party agenda. Examining referenda votes during several sessions of the California Assembly, the authors report several findings that are consistent with the partisan model. They find that legislators are significantly more ideologically extreme than the median voter in their districts. They also find that members of the majority party are considerably more extreme relative to their districts than members of the minority party are and that the majority party becomes even more extreme the longer it maintains control of the chamber. Adapted from the source document.
In: American politics research, Band 40, Heft 1, S. 60-84
ISSN: 1552-3373
We investigate the links between 527s and other political organizations through the employment histories of 527 staff. We find that 527s are highly central to modern political party networks and are in positions to facilitate coordination within a party and to employ key party personnel. Furthermore, we find important differences between the networks charted out by the two major parties. The Republican Party, the majority party during the period under study, had a more hierarchical network than the Democratic Party did. [Reprinted by permission of Sage Publications Inc., copyright holder.]
In: PS: political science & politics, Band 45, Heft 1, S. 39-43
AbstractRedistricting received substantial attention in the popular media in 2011, as states redrew state legislative and congressional district boundaries. Many reformers continue to argue for a de-politicization of the redistricting process, claiming that partisan redistricting is responsible for declining electoral competition and increasing legislative polarization. Our analysis of evidence from state legislatures during the last decade suggests that the effects of partisan redistricting on competition and polarization are small, considerably more nuanced than reformers would suggest, and overwhelmed by other aspects of the political environment.
In: PS: political science & politics, Band 45, Heft 1, S. 39-44
ISSN: 0030-8269, 1049-0965
In: American politics research, Band 40, Heft 1, S. 60-85
ISSN: 1532-673X
In: EPSA 2013 Annual General Conference Paper 149
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