Suchergebnisse

In voting behavior studies, the effect of religion on partisan choice relative to psychological factors and political economy has not been conclusively determined. In Indonesian politics, religion has frequently been understood as a typology of Muslim religiosity, i.e. santri versus abangan, or orthodox versus heterodox Muslim. This conception does not significantly predict election outcomes. The effect of religious identity, i.e. Islam versus other religion, on voting is not discernable so far because it has not been systematically tested. The 2017 Jakarta gubernatorial election is a rare instance in which the contestants have different religious identities in an almost homogenous society. This setting is ideal. This essay reports the results of a test from public opinion surveys prior to and an exit poll on election day. The result verified that religion explains very significantly how the Muslim candidate won. Political economy and partisanship, however, save the incumbent from a big loss. These findings have more systematically revised the existing comparative and Indonesian literature on the relationship between religion and voting behavior.[Dalam studi perilaku memilih, perbandingan pengaruh agama, faktor psikologis, maupun ekonomi politik, terhadap pilihan partai atau calon dalam pemilihan umum belum konklusif. Dalam politik Indonesia, agama sering difahami dalam tipologi keberagamaan santri versus abangan, atau Muslim puritan versus Muslim sinkretis. Konsepsi agama ini tidak punya pengaruh signifikan terhadap perilaku memilih dalam pemilihan umum sejauh ini. Sementara itu pengaruh identitas agama, yakni Islam versus agama lainnya, terhadap perilaku memilih sejauh ini juga tidak banyak terlihat karena belum teruji secara sistematik. Pemilihan gubernur DKI Jakarta 2017 adalah contoh kasus langka di Indonesia di mana calon-calon gubernurnya punya identitas agama berbeda sementara pemilihnya hampir homogen dilihat dari identitas agamanya. Keadaan ini ideal untuk menguji pengaruh identitas agama terhadap perilaku memilih. Artikel ini merupakan laporan hasil uji perbandingan pengaruh identitas agama, faktor psikologis, dan ekonomi-politik pada perilaku memilih gubernur, dan bersandar pada data survei opini publik sebelum dan di hari pemilihan. Hasilnya membuktikan bahwa identitas agama sangat mempengaruhi bagimana calon gubernur beragama Islam menang dalam pemilihan tersebut. Namun demikian, pengaruh ekonomi-politik dan identitas kepartaian menolong petahana yang non-Muslim dari kekalahan telak. Temuan-temuan ini merevisi referensi studi politik perbandingan dan Indonesia terkait hubungan agama dan perilaku memilih.]

Once a fully free country according to Freedom House, Indonesia has declined to partly free in the last seven years, indicating that the largest Muslim democracy in the world is deconsolidating. The decrease of freedom in Indonesia is believed to be associated with intolerance toward religious minorities, specifically by Muslims toward non-Muslims. Previous studies found that Indonesians are in general intolerant. However, those studies ignore factors which have the potential to strengthen religio-polititical tolerance. My contribution is to fill this empty space by explaining the intolerance. The potential explanatory factors are political, economic, and security conditions, institutional engagement, political engagement, and democratic values. Based on a nationwide public opinion survey, this study reveals new findings about which factors are more crucial to strengthening religio-political tolerance. Muslim religiosity affects significantly and negatively religio-political tolerance. However, economic, political, and security conditions, institutional engagement, political engagement, democratic values, and Javanese ethnicity more significantly explain the tolerance. If these factors prevail over religion and religiosity, tolerance will improve.

Hefner, in his book entitled Civil Islam, proposes Indonesia as a relevant case in the debate among students of Muslim society and democracy as to whether Islam is inimical to democracy. He argues that Indonesian Muslims are more likely to support a democratic political system because civil Islam, that is a set of beliefs within the Muslim community that supports the separation of religious and political authority, pluralism and tolerance of fellow (non-Muslim) citizens and their beliefs, is persistent. From a political culture approach to democracy, this culture is crucial for the emergence and consolidation of democracy. This book overstates the significance of civil Islam in the case of Indonesia, and cannot explain the fact that democracy is a rare phenomenon in the Muslim world, including in Indonesian history.DOI:10.15408/sdi.v8i2.692

This article suggests the political dynamics that occur at the time of the conference the Partai Persatuan Pembangunan (PPP), which was held on 29 August to 2 September 1994.Many opinions that say that the congress of the United Development Party (PPP) that has its own strategic significance because the results will determine the 1997 election and then General Session, 1998. At this General Assembly will take place according to many in the national succession, including the change of state leaders, the president Republic of Indonesia. So many groups concerned with this third congress PPP: who is leading the party's control she would participate in such an important time of succession.DOI:10.15408/sdi.v1i3.853

This article is a review of the writings of Adam Schwarz, titled Islam: Coming in from the Cold in his book, A Nation in Waiting, Indonesia in the 1990's. Adam Schwarz is a reporter Far Eastern Economic Review magazine published in Hong Kong. This book is the result of observations during which he served in Indonesia in the late 80s and early 90s, a period characterized much debate about Islam in Indonesia.Started writing this, Schwarz explained about the relationship Abdurrahman Wahid (Gus Dur) with the government. A few weeks after Gus Dur Tabligh Akbar held in Senayan East Parking Lot, he was "invited" Let. Colonel Prabowo, Suharto's son-president, to meet him. Reportedly, during the meeting, Prabowo warned that steps Gus Dur (with the Tabligh Akbar) has crossed the line. If he continues to play politics, said Prabowo, the first to be disturbed is president Suharto's re-election as president for the next term.DOI:10.15408/sdi.v2i1.847

This paper attempts to explore these two basic arguments. To that end we need first to discuss what is meant by "anti-Americanism," then what is meant by "unjust American foreign policies," and thirdly what is meant by "civilization" in the context of Indonesian Muslim society. "Anti-Americanism" in the international context is an individual or group attitude or action that reflects a feeling of dislike, hatred or intolerance toward America as a nation, or America as defined by the attitudes or behavior of the American government toward other countries. It is not easy to decide how to measure these anti-American attitudes or actions.DOI:10.15408/sdi.v12i2.588

We present findings from eight nationally representative surveys conducted during the 2019 Indonesian presidential campaign, in which we measured voters' reported belief in prominent pieces of misinformation. Younger, better-educated, and wealthier voters were more likely to believe the misinformation. These results are true for stories about both the incumbent (Joko Widodo) and the challenger (Prabowo Subianto). These findings represent a significant departure from results in Western Europe and North America, where a surge in misinformation has disproportionately targeted older and less educated voters.

Sebuah kebijakan publik akan efektif jika publik mendukungnya. Hal yang sama berlaku dalam konteks wabah Covid-19. Sejauh ini belum ada studi tentang kebijakan pemerintah Indonesia, khususnya terkait Pembatasan Sosial Berskala Besar (PSBB), dan kepatuhan warga terhadapnya. Tulisan ini mengisi kekosongan tersebut dengan bertumpu pada hasil penelitian opini publik nasional tentang sikap dan perilaku publik terkait PSBB dan protokol kesehatan. Hasilnya adalah perilaku dan sikap pada kebijakan tersebut berhubungan dengan latar belakang perilaku politik, kepercayaan pada kemampuan pemerintah menangani Covid-19, status pekerjaan, pendapatan, pendidikan, agama, dan gender. PSBB tidak akan efektif karena jumlah warga yang harus bekerja di luar rumah sangat banyak. Sebaliknya, memberikan subsidi pada warga agar tidak bekerja selama pandemi tetapi tidak jelas kapan akan berakhir, tentu bukan kebijakan yang realistis. Untuk itu, kebijakan mengubah PSBB dengan kembali membolehkan warga bekerja seperti sebelum masa Covid-19 dan disertai protokol kesehatan yang ketat adalah solusi yang lebih realistis. Sosialisasi mendesaknya protokol kesehatan harus dilakukan lewat berbagai kelompok masyarakat dan lewat tokoh-tokoh berpengaruh karena mereka cenderung lebih didengar.

Are Asian democracies deconsolidating, in line with world-wide trends? This article examines four consolidated democracies in Asia: Japan, South Korea, and Taiwan, plus Indonesia, whose own consolidation has been problematic. Using public opinion data, we evaluate two competing models—civic culture and political economy—to test whether there is a decline in democratic support. We report that the political economy model is more persuasive. Declines in democratic support are associated more consistently with democratic performance and education. Because education levels are tending to rise, and political socialization continues into adulthood, we conclude that there should be little fear that Asian democracies will deconsolidate.

AbstractHow democratic is contemporary Indonesia? While analysts differ, Indonesian citizens, when asked in systematic public opinion surveys conducted regularly by the authors since 1999, consistently express strong support for democratic principles and also believe that their country's democratic performance is high. Support for democratic performance is highly correlated with support for government performance, as measured by perceptions of the condition of the national economy and political system. At the same time, higher levels of education and income, in Indonesia as in other countries, have created a considerable number of critical citizens, that is, citizens who value democracy but are critical of its performance. On our evidence for Indonesia, it is members of this group who are the most motivated and best prepared to demand a higher level of democratic performance from their elected officials.

Abstract: In Indonesia's third national elections since democratization in 1999, incumbent President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono easily won reelection, while his Democratic Party tripled its vote from the previous 2004 election. Voters in the parliamentary and presidential contests, held in April and July 2009, were motivated, according to two author-conducted nationwide opinion surveys, by support for individual leaders and candidates, the influence of media campaigns, perceptions of the state of the economy, evaluations of governmental performance, and (though declining) identification with political parties. Effects include a strengthened and more responsive presidency at the cost of a more fragmented and volatile party system.

After a decade of democracy, secular political parties dominate Muslim-majority Indonesia. Explanations include a historical pattern of religious pluralism, policies of President Suharto's New Order, creative Muslim responses to those policies, a large majority of moderate Muslim voters, and ineffective voter mobilization by Islamist parties today.