Suchergebnisse

"Foreword" -- "Preface" -- "Acknowledgements" -- "Contents" -- "List of Figures" -- "List of Tables" -- "Chapter 1 Introduction" -- "References" -- "Chapter 2 Studying the Internet in China. Relevance of the Topic" -- "Why Study the Internet in China" -- "Crucial Steps Prior to the Development of the Internet in China" -- "Internet, Nascent Civil Society and Academic Perspectives" -- "References" -- "Chapter 3 A Historical Overview of the Media Political Economy of the Internet in China" -- "History of the Most Important Ministries and Departments" -- "Before 1994" -- "1994–1998" -- "After 1998" -- "The Chinese Internet Today" -- "Interconnecting Networks" -- "Access Networks" -- "Ministries and Lack of Cohesion" -- "Between Censorship and Moderation" -- "Government Investments and Infrastructures" -- "Case Study 1: The Establishment of the Golden Shield Project (Jindun Gongcheng)" -- "Searching for a Chinese Identity—The Liquan Phenomenon" -- "The Golden Shield Project and the Great Firewall of China" -- "Golden Projects" -- "Commercialization and Services" -- "Case Study 2: The Failure of the Green Dam Youth Escort (Lvba Huhang 绿坝 季护 ) Project, Background" -- "The Most Important Characteristics of the Green Dam Escort" -- "Comments and Reactions" -- "The Role of Manufacturers, Reshaping the Project" -- "Missed Chance or Starting Point?" -- "The Internet Is not a Place to Express Denouncements Only" -- "The Internet in China Today" -- "Case Study 3 Between Rumors (Yaoyan ) and the Implementation of the Real-Name Registration System (Shimingzhi 实名制)" -- "The Internet Is not Outside the Law" -- "The Roots of the Microblog Real-Name Registration System" -- "The Anti-Rumor League" -- "Jiang Zemin's Fake Death" -- "Bo Xilai and Suspended Comments on Weibo" -- "Six Years Earlier" -- "Similarities with Past Experiences

The proposed article analyzes three strategies implemented by the Chinese government related to the public opinion and Chinese Internet governance. The first one is intended to limit the circulation of online rumors; the second aims to control and influence the flows of information and debate against the government; and the third to increase the overflow of online information. The first strategy will be analyzed through the presentation of a case study that is the implementation of the real name registration system, supported by the Chinese government in order to limit the spread of online rumors. The Chinese government directly imposed to private companies to adopt this system that asks all the users to provide their personal ID before logging into the service limiting the freedom of people to support the circulation of harmful content. The second strategy is aimed to safeguard a more accurate control on online content, but also to limit the circulation of parodies, puns, neologism and forms of resistance to the central government. This second strategy will be analyzed taking in example the implementation of a gaming system. The gaming effect was supported by some companies in order to better control the online users activities: users can improve their online reputation reporting the misconduct of other micro bloggers. The third strategy sees the Chinese government started to hire people (the so called fifty cents Party) in order to comment positively Chinese government's actions, increasing the online cacophony and covering negative posts. The goal of this paper is to show the complexity and the variable ideologies of the Chinese Internet government in terms of Internet governance.

Six years have passed since China unveiled the Belt and Road Initiative (Yidai Yilu一带一路, formally called One Belt One Road), which was initiated to reconnect China with countries in Asia, Middle East, Europe, and Africa and to improve regional cooperation through better connectivity, enhanced trade exchange, and shared opportunity. By understanding the importance of Europe as the destination of both the "Belt"—a more developed inland connectivity and the "Road"—a more enhanced sea routes network; and observing the mixed information flow of acceptance—resistance, cooperation—dispute, and agreement—disagreement in different countries along the silk road, China Media Observatory of Institute of Media and Journalism, Faculty of Communication Sciences, at Università della Svizzera Italiana (Lugano) is editing this special symposium as a collection of the papers include studies of different media narratives that shape public understanding of Belt and Road Initiative and discuss how Belt and Road Initiative and China's vision of connecting different stakeholders for international collaborations are reported in both legacy news media and social media.

The study of the Chinese Internet plays a fundamental part in an on-going global discussion on the role of the new media as tools of political change. It is undeniable that the development of the Internet in China is terrific both in terms of infrastructure investment and citizen involvement. Yet, even though this process has already been studied extensively and with varying perspective, several issues regarding its impact on Chinese society remain open. This paper will specifically delve into the conflicting nature of the Internet in China's political context. It will argue that in China, the Internet can favour political change as much as it can assist the authorities in their struggle to maintain the status quo. The argument will be structured in two parts: first, we will outline the "cyber-utopian" discourse in the Chinese context, underlining how the Internet has been perceived as a powerful instrument for political change since the Nineties; second, we will describe the various strategies employed by the Chinese authorities in order to control the Internet, specifically through modes of censorship, manipulation of information and judicial intimidation.

The study of the Chinese Internet plays a fundamental part in an on-going global discussion on the role of the new media as tools of political change. It is undeniable that the development of the Internet in China is terrific both in terms of infrastructure investment and citizen involvement. Yet, even though this process has already been studied extensively and with varying perspective, several issues regarding its impact on Chinese society remain open. This paper will specifically delve into the conflicting nature of the Internet in China's political context. It will argue that in China, the Internet can favour political change as much as it can assist the authorities in their struggle to maintain the status quo. The argument will be structured in two parts: first, we will outline the "cyber-utopian" discourse in the Chinese context, underlining how the Internet has been perceived as a powerful instrument for political change since the Nineties; second, we will describe the various strategies employed by the Chinese authorities in order to control the Internet, specifically through modes of censorship, manipulation of information and judicial intimidation.

Reviews the evolution of China's emergence as a digital power, particularly their government's role in this process, addressing the evolution of governance institutions and policy initiatives, the development of strategic emerging industries, how China engages with global digital governance, and how national priorities affect local governance.