The Geopolitics of State Recognition in a Transitional International Order
In: Geopolitics, Band 28, Heft 1, S. 364-391
ISSN: 1557-3028
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In: Geopolitics, Band 28, Heft 1, S. 364-391
ISSN: 1557-3028
In: Asian security, Band 17, Heft 2, S. 262-278
ISSN: 1555-2764
World Affairs Online
In: Asian security, Band 17, Heft 2, S. 262-278
ISSN: 1555-2764
In: JCMS: Journal of Common Market Studies, Band 58, Heft 2, S. 472-490
SSRN
In: Review of international studies: RIS, Band 44, Heft 4, S. 760-786
ISSN: 1469-9044
This article explores the European Union's (EU) practices of international state recognition in a transitional international order. It illustrates the difficulties that the EU has encountered in attempting to reach a collective position on sensitive cases of recognition – through a complex balance of internal and external considerations – at a time when the norms regarding recognition are increasingly under challenge. Whether the organisation takes a collective European position on recognition or allows its members to adopt individual national positions, acute inconsistencies and tensions have been exposed, with implications for the EU's standing in the world. Through this, the article identifies a key tension between the EU's normative commitments and its geopolitical interests. In conclusion, the article argues that while a uniform EU policy on recognition may not be feasible and case-by-case pragmatism will likely continue, a more coherent approach and greater understanding of the impact of the EU's position on recognition are necessary. The article draws upon interview material and extensive analysis of official EU documentation in order to provide new insights into this complex challenge. By exploring the intricacies of recognition politics, the article also makes an empirical contribution to understanding the practice of international relations in this area.
World Affairs Online
In: Third world quarterly, Band 39, Heft 5, S. 871-888
ISSN: 0143-6597
World Affairs Online
In: Foreign policy analysis, Band 14, Heft 3, S. 367-387
ISSN: 1743-8594
This article explores the policies and activities undertaken by Kosovo as it seeks diplomatic recognition under conditions of contested statehood and transitional international order. Existing debates about diplomatic recognition—in particular, how independent sovereign statehood is achieved—generally rest upon systemic factors, normative institutions, and the preferences of great powers. In contrast, we argue that the experience of Kosovo presents a more complex and less predetermined process of international recognition, in which the agency of fledgling states, diplomatic skill, timing, and even chance may play a far more important role in mobilizing international support for recognition than is generally acknowledged. In building this argument, we explore Kosovo's path to contested independence and examine the complex process of diplomatic recognition, as well as highlight the hybrid justifications for recognizing Kosovo's statehood and independence. Without downplaying the importance of systemic factors, this article contributes to a critical rethinking of norms and processes related to state recognition in international affairs, which has implications for a broad range of cases.
World Affairs Online
In: Third world quarterly, Band 39, Heft 5, S. 871-888
ISSN: 1360-2241
In: Foreign policy analysis, S. orw042
ISSN: 1743-8594
In: Journal of religion & spirituality in social work: social thought, Band 29, Heft 4, S. 321-336
ISSN: 1542-6440
In: Journal of peacebuilding & development, Band 5, Heft 2, S. 113-116
ISSN: 2165-7440
In: Journal of peacebuilding & development: critical thinking and constructive action at the intersections of conflict, development and peace, Band 5, Heft 2, S. 113-116
ISSN: 1542-3166
Identifies the key issues raised in a 2009 United Nations U-organized workshop, which is a component of UNU's "Peacebuilding in Conflict-Affected Societies: Comparative Experiences & Local Perspectives" project, as well as the main themes.
In: Journal of peacebuilding & development, Band 3, Heft 3, S. 49-62
ISSN: 2165-7440
Many contemporary civil wars are characterised by a political economy of violence – a 'war economy' – whose actors are highly motivated by profit. Examining cases of Afghanistan and Bosnia-Herzegovina, this article draws attention to a different but related notion: criminal economic activities which characterise the political economy of violence during civil war develop a self-serving momentum and continue, after 'resolution' of the political conflict, to do great harm. The article explores the impact of illegal money-making – a legacy of the 'war economy' – on societies in post-conflict transition. It suggests that, in some conflict resolution efforts, the pressure to impose a 'political' resolution causes peacebuilders to neglect this legacy and so threatens the peacebuilding agenda.
In: Journal of peacebuilding & development: critical thinking and constructive action at the intersections of conflict, development and peace, Band 3, Heft 3, S. 49-62
ISSN: 1542-3166
Many contemporary civil wars are characterised by a political economy of violence - a 'war economy' - whose actors are highly motivated by profit. Examining cases of Afghanistan and Bosnia-Herzegovina, this article draws attention to a different but related notion: criminal economic activities which characterise the political economy of violence during civil war develop a self-serving momentum and continue, after 'resolution' of the political conflict, to do great harm. The article explores the impact of illegal money-making - a legacy of the 'war economy' - on societies in post-conflict transition. It suggests that, in some conflict resolution efforts, the pressure to impose a 'political' resolution causes peacebuilders to neglect this legacy and so threatens the peacebuilding agenda. Adapted from the source document.
In: Conflict, security & development: CSD, Band 6, Heft 1, S. 101-110
ISSN: 1478-1174