Politikfeldanalyse: Akteure, Diskurse und Netzwerke in der öffentlichen Politik
In: Grundwissen Politik 43
In: Lehrbuch
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In: Grundwissen Politik 43
In: Lehrbuch
World Affairs Online
Teoria polityczna i badania w tej dziedzinie nie są zwykle pod każdym względem jednoznaczne, ale podlegają wpływom ukrytych teorii wyjściowych i światopoglądów naukowych, obejmujących na przykład założenia i paradygmaty. Przykładami są idealizm, materializm czy instytucjonalizm. Stosunkowo nowe podejście stanowi w tym względzie relacjonalizm. W ramach tej orientacji ontologicznej świat pojmowany jest wyłącznie w kategoriach relacji. Programy badawcze utrzymane w duchu relacjonizmu realizują tę ideę w praktyce za pomocą metod analizy sieci społecznych, które w coraz większym stopniu wchodzą w użycie także w naukach politycznych. Niniejszy artykuł prezentuje krytyczny ogląd kilku odmian tego nowego "izmu" i rodzajów myślenia sieciowego. Relacjonalizm jest ostatecznie postrzegany jako perspektywa pożyteczna, ale o ograniczonej mocy eksplanacyjnej. Dlatego powinien być zawsze stosowany w połączeniu z innymi podejściami i perspektywami. ; Political theory and research approaches are in most cases not explicit in all respects, but are usually shaped by implicit background theories and scientific worldviews, e.g. presuppositions and paradigms. Examples are idealism, materialism or institutionalism. A fairly new perspective in this regard is relationalism. This way of thinking, in its ontological orientation, conceives the world only in terms of relations. Research programmes with a relationalist orientation put this idea into practice with methods of social network analysis which are more and more used also in political science. Several variants of this new -ism and type of network thinking are presented in this paper in a critical perspective. Relationalism is ultimately seen as fruitful perspective, but is seen as limited in its explanatory power, though. It should therefore always be combined with other approaches and perspectives.
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Political theory and research approaches are in most cases not explicit in all respects, but are usually shaped by implicit background theories and scientific worldviews, e.g. presuppositions and paradigms. Examples are idealism, materialism or institutionalism. A fairly new perspective in this regard is relationalism. This way of thinking, in its ontological orientation, conceives the world only in terms of relations. Research programmes with a relationalist orientation put this idea into practice with methods of social network analysis which are more and more used also in political science. Several variants of this new -ism and type of network thinking are presented in this paper in a critical perspective. Relationalism is ultimately seen as fruitful perspective, but is seen as limited in its explanatory power, though. It should therefore always be combined with other approaches and perspectives. ; Teoria polityczna i badania w tej dziedzinie nie są zwykle pod każdym względem jednoznaczne, ale podlegają wpływom ukrytych teorii wyjściowych i światopoglądów naukowych, obejmujących na przykład założenia i paradygmaty. Przykładami są idealizm, materializm czy instytucjonalizm. Stosunkowo nowe podejście stanowi w tym względzie relacjonalizm. W ramach tej orientacji ontologicznej świat pojmowany jest wyłącznie w kategoriach relacji. Programy badawcze utrzymane w duchu relacjonizmu realizują tę ideę w praktyce za pomocą metod analizy sieci społecznych, które w coraz większym stopniu wchodzą w użycie także w naukach politycznych. Niniejszy artykuł prezentuje krytyczny ogląd kilku odmian tego nowego "izmu" i rodzajów myślenia sieciowego. Relacjonalizm jest ostatecznie postrzegany jako perspektywa pożyteczna, ale o ograniczonej mocy eksplanacyjnej. Dlatego powinien być zawsze stosowany w połączeniu z innymi podejściami i perspektywami.
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In: The state of Europe: transformations of statehood from a European perspective, S. 51-72
In: The information society: an international journal, Band 16, Heft 4, S. 319-328
ISSN: 1087-6537
In: Journal of common market studies: JCMS, Band 32, S. 473-498
ISSN: 0021-9886
Shows the European Union to be an actively participating corporate actor in a supranational, national, and domestic policy network, promoting its own institutional self-interests.
In: Games in hierarchies and networks: analytical and empirical approaches to the study of governance institutions, S. 251-286
In: European journal of political research: official journal of the European Consortium for Political Research, Band 21, Heft 1-2, S. 109-129
ISSN: 1475-6765
Abstract. This paper1 compares the structure of policy networks in two different policy domains. Policy networks are seen as clusters of relatively autonomous but interdependent actors that are incorporated into the process of public policy making. Policy networks have to be seen as specific actor configurations beyond 'policy markets'and 'policy hierarchies'.2 Their emergence is seen as a response to an increasing societal dispersion of resources, policy growth and governmental overload. Growing governmental activities in a context of more complex policy problems and a greater dispersion of policy resources within society makes governments increasingly dependent upon the horizontal cooperation of private actors in policy formulation and implementation. Institutional devices facilitating this mode of political resource mobilization range from formal advisory bodies, semi‐institutionalized working groups to highly informal and even 'secret'forms of cooptation of private actors (organizations and individuals) in the 'production process'of a policy.
In: European journal of political research: official journal of the European Consortium for Political Research, Band 21, Heft 1-2, S. 109-129
ISSN: 0304-4130
Der Artikel untersucht die strukturellen Effekte von Policy-Netzwerken. Nach einer konzeptionellen Diskussion der funktionalen Auswirkungen von Netzwerkstrukturen erfolgt im Hauptteil des Beitrags eine empirische Beschreibung und vergleichende strukturelle Erfassung von Policy-Netzwerken in zwei deutschen Politik-Bereichen: dem Bereich der chemischen Kontrolle und der Telekommunikation. Besonderer Akzent liegt dabei auf der Herausarbeitung einzelner Merkmale der verschiedenen Netzwerk-Strukturen anhand der Ideal-Typen des Pluralismus, Korporatismus und Klientelismus. (AuD-Ber)
World Affairs Online
In: European journal of communication, Band 6, Heft 2, S. 187-212
ISSN: 0267-3231
World Affairs Online
This book presents a state-of-the art collection of original contributions on democracy, addressing three related themes: the complexity of modern democracies and their structural diversity; coping strategies of democracies in times of crises; and current and potential trajectories and transformations of democracy. The first part of the book maps the democratic landscape by revealing the diversity of democratic political systems, through either comparative analysis or case studies on the specific nature of political and administrative systems in interest intermediation and identity constructi
In: Routledge/ECPR studies in European political science, 15
Private Organisation in Global Politics is a groundbreaking study which brings together a broad range of case-studies to examine the role and character of private organisations in the process of political globalization. Focusing on areas such as human rights organisations, the international women's movement and the combating of disease, the panel of expert contributors investigate the function of these in relation to governance in the globalizing world.
In: American journal of political science, Band 56, Heft 3, S. 731-744
ISSN: 1540-5907
Information exchange in policy networks is usually attributed to preference similarity, influence reputation, social trust, and institutional actor roles. We suggest that political opportunity structures and transaction costs play another crucial role and estimate a rich statistical network model on tie formation in the German toxic chemicals policy domain. The results indicate that the effect of preference similarity is absorbed by institutional, relational, and social opportunity structures. Political actors choose contacts who minimize transaction costs while maximizing outreach and information. We also find that different types of information exchange operate in complementary, but not necessarily congruent, ways.
Information exchange in policy networks is usually attributed to preference similarity, influence reputation, social trust and institutional actor roles. We suggest that political opportunity structures and transaction costs play another crucial role and estimate a rich statistical network model on tie formation in the German toxic chemicals policy domain. The results indicate that the effect of preference similarity is absorbed by other determinants while opportunity structures indeed have to be taken into account. We also find that different types of information exchange operate in complementary, but not necessarily congruent, ways.
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This paper assesses the impact of large events such as the financial crisis in 2008 and the Copenhagen meeting in 2009 on the public attention attributed to the climate change issue and to the related policy discourse in the German press. Based on a quantitative content analysis of the two largest German national quality newspapers, a quasi-experimental approach will be adopted, testing the propositions of "punctuated equilibrium theory" (Baumgartner & Jones 1993) in policy analysis. The paper will also use concepts and approaches in the area of discourse analysis – from qualitative methods to more formal quantitative approaches to the analysis of discourse structures and network relations (Janning et al 2009). Large scale and focusing events such as the economic crisis or the Copenhagen meeting can trigger shifts and changes in the discourse on climate change. Preliminary analysis has shown that the economic crisis produced a kink in the issue-attention cycle, triggering a substantial decrease in public attention as public attention to the economic crisis soared. Moreover, the results indicate that actors have changed their discursive behavior in the light of the economic crisis, entailing changes in the actors' standing and the frames applied by them to the issue of climate change (Vogt 2009). As natural experiments run short of quantifying causal links between variables, the observed changes in public attention and discursive behavior can at least be explained by qualitative explanatory sketches in which the changes and shifts are traced and interrelated by visual descriptions at various levels.
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