Turkey's bid for EU membership, contrasting views of public opinion, and vote choice. Evidence from the 2005 German federal election
In: Electoral studies: an international journal, Band 27, Heft 2, S. 344-356
ISSN: 0261-3794
In: Electoral studies: an international journal, Band 27, Heft 2, S. 344-356
ISSN: 0261-3794
In: European Union politics: EUP, Band 9, Heft 1, S. 5-30
ISSN: 1465-1165
In: Politische Vierteljahresschrift: PVS : German political science quarterly, Band 49, Heft 1, S. 68-91
ISSN: 0032-3470
World Affairs Online
In: Electoral Studies, Band 27, Heft 2, S. 344-355
In: Electoral Studies, Band 27, Heft 2, S. 344-355
This paper examines the effects of attitudes toward Turkey's entry into the European Union on vote choice in the 2005 federal election in Germany. Building on prior research, the paper contrasts the elitist and the policy voting view. The evidence shows that citizens' opinions about Turkey's accession to the European Union do not merely reflect group-memberships and political predispositions. They also play a role in influencing voting behaviour with support of Turkey's entry raising the likelihood to vote for the SPD or the Greens while reducing the probability to cast a vote for right-wing parties, the CDU/CSU and the FDP. Finally, low educated voters are disproportionately susceptible to rely on their attitudes toward enlarging the European Union to contain Turkey. In sum, the evidence contradicts the elitist view and lends support the policy voting view implying that there is an electoral incentive for political elites to respond to public opinion on the Turkey issue. [Copyright 2008 Elsevier Ltd.]
International audience ; This paper addresses public opinion on common European policies in foreign affairs and defence. It proposes three models of support for common policies in these fields. Drawing on Eurobarometer data, the analysis shows that instrumental self-interest and territorial identities contribute considerably to explaining support for common foreign affairs and defence policies. Moreover, support for common policies is strongly driven by domain-specific evaluations of the European Union's performance. These findings suggest that popular support for common European policies in foreign affairs and defence has an experiential base. Thus, elites have an incentive to respond to public opinion when making policy decisions, so this analysis supports the liberal view in international relations rather than the realist account.
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In: European Union Politics, Band 9, Heft 1, S. 5-29
This paper addresses public opinion on common European policies in foreign affairs and defence. It proposes three models of support for common policies in these fields. Drawing on Eurobarometer data, the analysis shows that instrumental self-interest and territorial identities contribute considerably to explaining support for common foreign affairs and defence policies. Moreover, support for common policies is strongly driven by domain-specific evaluations of the European Union's performance. These findings suggest that popular support for common European policies in foreign affairs and defence has an experiential base. Thus, elites have an incentive to respond to public opinion when making policy decisions, so this analysis supports the liberal view in international relations rather than the realist account.
In: The journal of conflict resolution: journal of the Peace Science Society (International), Band 51, Heft 3, S. 408-430
ISSN: 1552-8766
This article examines the effects of personality traits on attitudes toward foreign policy issues among the German public. Building on previous research, it argues that personality characteristics shape an individual's motivation, goals, and values, thereby providing criteria to evaluate external stimuli and affecting foreign policy opinions. An analysis of survey data from a random sample of Germans eligible to vote confirms that the personality traits play a role in attitudes toward foreign policy issues. By and large, personality affects foreign policy opinions roughly as strongly as traditional factors such as partisanship, ideology, and social background. Among the traits studied, agreeableness and openness render persons more supportive of international cooperation and more skeptical of the use of military force, whereas conscientiousness exhibits reverse effects. Thus, personality traits merit serious attention in analyses of public opinion on foreign policy.
In: Politische Vierteljahresschrift: PVS : German political science quarterly, Band 48, Heft 3, S. 597-598
ISSN: 0032-3470
In: Zeitschrift für Parlamentsfragen: ZParl, Band 38, Heft 3, S. 503-512
ISSN: 0340-1758
Empirical analyses show that attitudes toward federal politics had only little effect on voting behavior at the Bavarian state parliament elections from 1966 to 2003. As compared to satisfaction with the federal government, perceptions of the federal politicians played a major role in the vote of choice. Yet, focusing on these direct impacts leads to an underestimation of the role of federal politics in state elections, as this strategy ignores indirect effects of federal politics and the intermingling of federal and state politics. The double role of the CSU - as a Bavarian party in the federal arena, and as governing party of state - works in favor of an intermingling of federal and state politics, and of direct and indirect federal politics influence. Thus, Bavarian state elections might be unique since federal politics play a much larger role than in other German state parliament elections. (Zeitschrift für Parlamentsfragen / FUB)
World Affairs Online
In: Zeitschrift für Parlamentsfragen: ZParl, Band 38, Heft 4, S. 862-865
ISSN: 0340-1758
Comments on Gerd Strohmeier's (2007) plea for a reform of the election system in the German Bundestag. On the basis of an extensive diagnosis of deficits of the personalized proportional representation system, Stohmeier suggests introducing a majority vote with a proportional supplementary list. Strohmeier's argumentation offers many points for discussion for both the diagnosis of defects in the present election system & his therapy suggestion. This essay examines the capability of the reform suggestion to achieve Strohmeier's intended results. The author concludes that the proportionally supplemented majority vote system weakens small parties in the Bundestag for the benefit of the big parties & is not able to provide a parliamentary majority for any party under the given circumstances. Therefore, chances that it will displace the personalized proportional representation are remote. E. Sanchez
In: The journal of conflict resolution: journal of the Peace Science Society (International), Band 51, Heft 3, S. 408-430
ISSN: 0022-0027, 0731-4086
World Affairs Online
In: Electoral Studies, Band 26, Heft 2, S. 324-337
This article examines the effect of German federal election campaigns on citizens' attitudes toward chancellor candidates. Building on previous research, it puts forward three hypotheses tested using survey data gathered during seven German federal election campaigns. The results confirm that campaigns polarize the voters' perception of the chancellor candidates. During campaigns, voters also bring their opinions about candidates into line with their partisan attitudes. Moreover, during three campaigns candidate preferences become increasingly powerful predictors of vote choice. The findings also suggest that election-specific factors condition campaign effects. The paper concludes by discussing the implications of these findings for campaigns and political science. [Copyright 2006 Elsevier Ltd.]
In: Electoral studies: an international journal, Band 26, Heft 2, S. 324-337
ISSN: 0261-3794
In: Wahlkämpfe in Deutschland, S. 34-45