Religion and Brazilian democracy: mobilizing the people of God
In: Cambridge studies in social theory, religion and politics
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In: Cambridge studies in social theory, religion and politics
In: Perspectives on politics, Band 21, Heft 4, S. 1509-1511
ISSN: 1541-0986
In: Journal of democracy, Band 31, Heft 4, S. 76-90
ISSN: 1086-3214
In: World development: the multi-disciplinary international journal devoted to the study and promotion of world development, Band 99, S. 441-451
In: British journal of political science, Band 48, Heft 2, S. 407-425
ISSN: 1469-2112
In many contemporary urban spaces, political information accrues to high status neighborhoods. This might exacerbate political inequality as the information-rich and information-poor each talk primarily with others like themselves. When information is specific and broadly diffused through the media, however, the convenience and low cognitive costs of everyday conversation could be especially helpful for the disadvantaged. This article shows how political conversations intensify or ameliorate spatial knowledge gaps, using a six-wave panel survey in fifty Brazilian neighborhoods between 2002 and 2006. Multilevel models demonstrate that conversation was more frequent in high education neighborhoods, but had a greater impact on specific, factual knowledge in low-education neighborhoods, leading to shrinking knowledge gaps. However, conversation slightly widened spatial gaps in socially perceived general knowledge.
In: Perspectives on politics, Band 14, Heft 1, S. 253-254
ISSN: 1541-0986
In: International journal of public opinion research, S. edv018
ISSN: 1471-6909
In: International journal of public opinion research, Band 27, Heft 4, S. 481-496
ISSN: 0954-2892
In: Latin American research review: LARR ; the journal of the Latin American Studies Association (LASA), Band 44, Heft 3, S. 102-126
ISSN: 0023-8791
In: Latin American politics and society, Band 63, Heft 3, S. 1-20
ISSN: 1548-2456
In: Politics and religion: official journal of the APSA Organized Section on Religion and Politics, Band 14, Heft 4, S. 735-763
ISSN: 1755-0491
AbstractWhy do clergy talk with congregants about elections to a greater extent in Mozambique than Indonesia, or in the United States than Taiwan? Arguing that context shapes religious actors' micro-level incentives to discuss or avoid electoral politics, we seek to explain variation in religious politicking—religious leaders' and organizations' engagement in electoral campaigns. Our framework integrates individual-level and country-level approaches, as well as theories of modernization, secularism, and religious competition. Drawing on survey data from 24 elections in 18 democracies in the Comparative National Elections Project, we find that human development depresses religious politicking, while secularism and religious pluralism boost it. However, "civilizational" differences in levels of religious politicking are muted and inconsistent. Finally, at the individual level, across the globe, citizens with higher levels of education are consistently more likely to receive political messages. Our results suggest the insights obtained from an approach emphasizing individuals embedded in contexts.
In: Revista de ciencia política, Band 39, Heft 2, S. 165-189
ISSN: 0718-090X
In: Journal of politics in Latin America: JPLA, Band 2, Heft 3, S. 3-38
ISSN: 1866-802X
Ideology, typically defined on a left-right spectrum, should provide a means of communication between elites and masses. After years of leftist party rule, have Brazilian voters internalized ideological divisions? Longitudinal surveys conducted from 2002 to 2006 reveal high nonresponse and instability in ideological self-identification. We find that the capacity to think ideologically is in part a function of political and social context. This capacity has real political consequences. A Heckman selection model reveals that those who refuse to take an ideological position or who exhibit high instability in self-identification tend to be latent rightists and to choose rightist presidential candidates. Moreover, they interpret the ideological spectrum differently from those who are more consistent in ideological self-placement. We thus make two contributions, showing how contextual factors influence ideological thinking and how low levels of ideological thinking affect the measurement of Brazilian public opinion. Adapted from the source document.
In: Journal of politics in Latin America, Band 2, Heft 3, S. 3-38
ISSN: 1868-4890
Ideology, typically defined on a left-right spectrum, should provide a means of communication between elites and masses. After years of leftist party rule, have Brazilian voters internalized ideological divisions? Longitudinal surveys conducted from 2002 to 2006 reveal high nonresponse and instability in ideological self-identification. We find that the capacity to think ideologically is in part a function of political and social context. This capacity has real political consequences. A Heckman selection model reveals that those who refuse to take an ideological position or who exhibit high instability in self-identification tend to be latent rightists and to choose rightist presidential candidates. Moreover, they interpret the ideological spectrum differently from those who are more consistent in ideological self-placement. We thus make two contributions, showing how contextual factors influence ideological thinking and how low levels of ideological thinking affect the measurement of Brazilian public opinion. (GIGA)
World Affairs Online
In: British journal of political science, S. 1-20
ISSN: 1469-2112
Abstract
Right-wing candidates have rallied against same-sex marriage, abortion, and 'gender ideology' in several recent Latin American elections, attracting socially conservative voters. Yet, these issues are largely irrelevant to voting decisions in other parts of the region. Drawing on theories explaining partisan shifts in the US and Europe, we argue that elite and social movement debates on sexuality politics create conditions for electoral realignment. When politicians take polarized positions on newly salient 'culture war' issues, the masses' voting behaviour shifts. Using region-wide multilevel analysis of the AmericasBarometer and Latinobarómetro and a conjoint experiment in Brazil, Chile, and Peru, we demonstrate that the rising salience of sexuality politics creates new electoral cleavages, magnifying the electoral impact of religion and sexuality politics attitudes and shrinking the impact of economic views. Whereas scholarship on advanced democracies posits the centrality of partisanship, our findings indicate that sexuality politics prompts realignments even in weak party systems.