Power and progress: international politics in transition
In: Security and governance series
In: Security and governance series
In: Security and governance series
In: Religion, culture, and public life
The fall and rise of religion in international relations : history and theory / Timothy Samuel Shah and Daniel Philpott -- Secularism and international relations theory / Elizabeth Shakman Hurd -- Another Great Awakening? International relations theory and religion / Michael Barnett -- Religion, rationality, and violence / Monica Duffy Toft -- Religion and international relations : no leap of faith required / Daniel H. Nexon -- In the service of state and nation : religion in East Asia / Il Hyun Cho and Peter J. Katzenstein -- Religion's contribution to international relations theory / Emily Cochran and Jack Snyder
World Affairs Online
In: International security, Band 39, Heft 1, S. 71-94
ISSN: 0162-2889
World Affairs Online
In: International politics, Band 48, Heft 4-5, S. 562-574
ISSN: 1384-5748
World Affairs Online
In: The Norton series in world politics
In: Review of international studies: RIS, Band 43, Heft 5, S. 962-986
ISSN: 1469-9044
Amidst calls for containing an assertive Russia, politicians and pundits have been debating whether Ukraine should serve as a 'buffer zone' between the Russian and Western spheres of influence. These debates provide an opportunity to revisit the long and varied history of major powers' efforts to manage buffer zones. We draw on this history to learn the conditions under which buffer zones succeed or fail to stabilise regions, how buffers are most successfully managed, and when alternative arrangements for borderlands work better.
World Affairs Online
In: Annual Review of Political Science, Band 18, S. 303-327
SSRN
In: The journal of conflict resolution: journal of the Peace Science Society (International), Band 57, Heft 5, S. 822-853
ISSN: 1552-8766
Elections constitute a fundamental element of postconflict peacebuilding efforts in the post-cold war era and are often held soon after conflicts end. Yet, the impact of early elections on postconflict stability is the subject of sharp debate. While some argue that early elections facilitate peace agreements, hasten democratization, and ensure postconflict stability, others suggest that they undermine genuine democracy and spark a renewal in fighting. In this study, we argue that holding elections soon after a civil war ends generally increases the likelihood of renewed fighting, but that favorable conditions, including decisive victories, demobilization, peacekeeping, power sharing, and strong political, administrative and judicial institutions, can mitigate this risk. We attempt to reconcile the extant qualitative debate on postconflict elections through a quantitative analysis of all civil wars ending in the post-World War II period. [Reprinted by permission of Sage Publications Inc., copyright holder.]
In: The journal of conflict resolution: journal of the Peace Science Society (International), Band 57, Heft 5, S. 822-853
ISSN: 0022-0027, 0731-4086
World Affairs Online
In: The journal of conflict resolution: journal of the Peace Science Society (International), Band 57, Heft 5, S. 822-853
ISSN: 1552-8766
Elections constitute a fundamental element of postconflict peacebuilding efforts in the post–cold war era and are often held soon after conflicts end. Yet, the impact of early elections on postconflict stability is the subject of sharp debate. While some argue that early elections facilitate peace agreements, hasten democratization, and ensure postconflict stability, others suggest that they undermine genuine democracy and spark a renewal in fighting. In this study, we argue that holding elections soon after a civil war ends generally increases the likelihood of renewed fighting, but that favorable conditions, including decisive victories, demobilization, peacekeeping, power sharing, and strong political, administrative and judicial institutions, can mitigate this risk. We attempt to reconcile the extant qualitative debate on postconflict elections through a quantitative analysis of all civil wars ending in the post–World War II period.
In: The journal of conflict resolution: journal of the Peace Science Society (International), Band 55, Heft 3, S. 469-493
ISSN: 0022-0027, 0731-4086
In: The journal of conflict resolution: journal of the Peace Science Society (International), Band 55, Heft 3, S. 469-492
ISSN: 1552-8766
In the post—cold war period, civil wars are increasingly likely to end with peace settlements brokered by international actors who press for early elections. However, elections held soon after wars end, when political institutions remain weak, are associated with an increased likelihood of a return to violence. International actors have a double-edged influence over election timing and the risk of war, often promoting precarious military stalemates and early elections but sometimes also working to prevent a return to war through peacekeeping, institution building, and powersharing. In this article, we develop and test quantitatively a model of the causes of early elections as a building block in evaluating the larger effect of election timing on the return to war.
In: International studies quarterly: the journal of the International Studies Association, Band 55, Heft 2, S. 305-308
ISSN: 1468-2478
In "Does Chain-Ganging Cause the Outbreak of War," Dominic Tierney critiques our work on alliance politics in Europe in the first half of the twentieth century. Tierney incorrectly ascribes to us a theory about the outbreak of conflict based on a "chain-ganging theory" in which war occurs because states become so tightly tied to their allies that they lose volition and find themselves in conflicts not of their own choosing. In fact, we do not try to explain the origins of war, but instead explain why wars in Europe escalated to a continent-wide scale. Here we briefly restate our argument and demonstrate how Tierney misconstrues it. We also show how some of the factors that we discuss in our original work are useful for assessing Tierney's claim that the causes of conflict and alliance dynamics hinge on whether states are hawks or doves. Adapted from the source document.
In: International studies quarterly: the journal of the International Studies Association, Band 55, Heft 2, S. 305-309
ISSN: 0020-8833, 1079-1760