Suchergebnisse

Jihadist movements have claimed that they are merely vehicles for the application of God's word, distancing themselves from politics, which they call dirty and manmade. Yet on closer examination, jihadist movements are immersed in politics, negotiating political relationships not just with the forces surrounding them, but also within their own ranks. Drawing on case studies from North Africa and the Sahel - including Algeria, Libya, Mali, Niger, Burkina Faso, and Mauritania - this study examines jihadist movements from the inside, uncovering their activities and internal struggles over the past three decades. Highlighting the calculations that jihadist field commanders and clerics make, Alexander Thurston shows how leaders improvise, both politically and religiously, as they adjust to fast-moving conflicts. Featuring critical analysis of Arabic-language jihadist statements, this book offers unique insights into the inner workings of jihadist organisations and sheds new light on the phenomenon of mass-based jihadist movements and proto-states. -- Back cover

Jihadist movements have claimed that they are merely vehicles for the application of God's word, distancing themselves from politics, which they call dirty and manmade. Yet on closer examination, jihadist movements are immersed in politics, negotiating political relationships not just with the forces surrounding them, but also within their own ranks. Drawing on case studies from North Africa and the Sahel - including Algeria, Libya, Mali, Niger, Burkina Faso, and Mauritania - this study examines jihadist movements from the inside, uncovering their activities and internal struggles over the past three decades. Highlighting the calculations that jihadist field commanders and clerics make, Alexander Thurston shows how leaders improvise, both politically and religiously, as they adjust to fast-moving conflicts. Featuring critical analysis of Arabic-language jihadist statements, this book offers unique insights into the inner workings of jihadist organisations and sheds new light on the phenomenon of mass-based jihadist movements and proto-states.

The spectre of Boko Haram and its activities in Nigeria dominates both media and academic analysis of Islam in the region. But, as Alexander Thurston argues here, beyond the sensational headlines this group generates, the dynamics of Muslim life in northern Nigeria remain poorly understood. Drawing on interviews with leading Salafis in Nigeria as well as on a rereading of the history of the global Salafi movement, this volume explores how a canon of classical and contemporary texts defines Salafism. Examining how these texts are interpreted and - crucially - who it is that has the authority to do so, Thurston offers a systematic analysis of curricula taught in Saudi Arabia and how they shape religious scholars' approach to religion and education once they return to Africa. Essential for scholars of religion and politics, this unique text explores how the canon of Salafism has been used and refined, from Nigeria's return to democracy to the jihadist movement Boko Haram.

This paper investigates ruling parties' calculations in wartime legislative elections. The paper argues that ruling parties' strategies are shaped by opportunity structures and the party's desire to protect party insiders, rather than simply by considerations about 'government-held' or 'rebel-held' territory. Ruling parties may adopt several strategies: (1) ceding seats to popular opposition candidates, even in government-controlled territory; (2) allowing rebels to run on the ruling party's ticket; and (3) blatant electoral manipulation. Ruling parties may miscalculate, including about how much manipulation the population will countenance. The paper examines these dynamics through a case study of Mali's 2020 legislative elections.

"Sectarianization"—the political instrumentalization of sectarian identities—is a profitable strategy for many state and non-state actors. This paper presents a theory of sectarianization, as well as an accompanying typology. The paper does not seek to explain the causes of sectarian conflict; rather, the paper examines how third parties respond to exogenous instances of such conflict. The paper argues that third parties face incentives to cultivate strategic ambiguity about their own stances, especially amid significant religious and political competition. In such competitive environments, third parties appear to take stances based on the interaction among three factors: first, a short-term cost-benefit analysis of whether to take sides and if so, how far to align with either of the main two sectarian actors; second, pre-existing relationships between the third party and the two main sectarian actors; and third, a desire to maintain long-term credibility with the broadest audience possible.

Introduction -- The lifeworld of Muhammad Yusuf -- Preaching exclusivism, playing politics -- "Chaos is worse than killing" -- Total war in northeastern Nigeria -- Same war, new actors -- Conclusion

Neue muslimische Stimmen in der afrikanischen Sahelzone. - Alexander Thurston. - Die sezessionistische und die islamische Forderung im Nördlichen Mali. - George Klute. - Jugend, Politik und Religion in Niger - Die Wahlen im Februar 2016. - Abdoulaye Sounaye. - Die Sufi-Orden in der senegalesischen Politik. - Rüdiger Seesemann. - Politische Mobilisierung und das Erbe der Sklaverei in Mauretanien. - Christine Hardung. - Traditionaler Koranunterricht als nachhaltige Entwicklungshilfe? - Britta Frede. - Dokumentation - ein Interview mit Fatimetou Mint Meydah.- Britta Frede. - Handel in der Sahara - Alltägliche Sorgen - internationale Ängste. - Judith Scheele. - Von der Front zum Staat - die Frente POLISARIO und die DARS. - Axel Goldau. - Libyen unter und nach Qadhafi. - Bernhard Schmid. - Bestellter Terror. - Jeremy Keenan. - Sudan,Südsudan - 5 Jahre nach der Teilung. - Roman Deckert

"Over the past two decades, Africa has seen dozens of conflicts over a variety of issues. Responding to these conflicts requires concerted action to manage the crises--the violence, the political discord, and the humanitarian consequences of prolonged fighting. But it is also necessary to rebuild communities, societies and states torn apart by the conflict, addressing the long-term social and economic impact of the conflict. To do so, it is necessary to look at institutions and groups rarely considered in formal official conflict management activities of African and partner governments--schools, universities, religious institutions, media, commercial enterprises, legal institutions, civil society groups, youth, women and migrants. These entities can potentially play an important role in building a sense of identity, fairness, shared norms, and a cohesion between state and society--all critical components of the fabric of peace and security in Africa. This book brings together leading experts from Africa, Europe and North America to examine these critical social institutions and groups and identify how they can either build or impede peaceful resolution of conflicts and commitment to common purpose. This book will open new doors of understanding for students, scholars and practitioners focused on bringing strengthening peace in Africa."--