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The author develops the concepts of 'governance policy' and how it relates to existing public policy typologies, especially 'constituent policy'. Although distributive, regulatory, and redistributive types of policy are well understood, scholars have long struggled with an appropriate definition to complete this four-fold typology. Lowi referred to this fourth type as 'constituent policy'—conferring broad costs and benefits to society—as opposed to policy that affects narrow (often economic) interests. Lowi's conception of constituent policy assumed a top-down process of policymaking dominated by elected officials and administrative agencies. Governance policy represents an attempt to refine the concept of 'constituent policy'. Governance policy has a prominent procedural component and can be initiated by a bottom-up process of policymaking, via citizen initiatives or interest groups, as well as by a top-down process through political elites. This author explores the history and social significance of governance policy. Cross-sectional data from the fifty states of the USA are used to statistically model explanations for the adoption of nine governance policies. Empirical analysis suggests that states with frequent usage of ballot initiatives are more likely to adopt governance policy, after controlling for other factors. The author also suggests that a Progressive reform tradition, measured by a moralistic political culture, may provide an important trigger for the initial adoption of state direct democracy mechanisms. This suggests that prior adoption of direct democracy mechanisms may provide a necessary intervening trigger for frequent reliance on governance policy.

Scholars have begun examining what Progressive reformers called the educative effects of direct democracy, especially the effect ballot initiatives have on voter turnout. Research based on aggregate-level voter age population (VAP) turnout data indicates that ballot measures increase turnout in low-information midterm elections but not in presidential elections. We analyze the impact of ballot initiative use on voter turnout from 1980 through 2002 using voter eligible population (VEP) turnout rates. Cross-sectional time-series analysis reveals that (a) ballot initiatives increase turnout in midterm as well as presidential elections and (b) the turnout effect in midterm and especially presidential elections is considerably larger than previously thought. On average, turnout in presidential elections increases by 0.70% with each initiative on the ballot, whereas turnout in midterm elections increases by 1.7%, all else equal. Given the closeness of the Electoral College contests, it is possible that the mobilizing effects of statewide ballot questions could be the determining factor in future presidential elections.

Are white Americans living among nonwhites more likely to support ending affirmative action than those living in more homogeneous white communities? Previous research on the contextual determinants of white racial attitudes has explored the "racial threat" hypothesis (that white racism increases with the competition posed by a greater proportion of African Americans in a community) & the extent to which these attitudes are driven mainly by cultural & socioeconomic contexts. We test these hypotheses by analyzing votes for CA's Proposition 209 in 1996, which aimed to end affirmative action in the state. Our census-tract-level analysis suggests that white support for Proposition 209 was higher in tracts with larger Latino, African American, or Asian American populations, even after controlling for other factors. Thus, our results support the racial threat hypothesis. 3 Tables, 1 Appendix, 62 References. Adapted from the source document.

Previous research on the initiative process tends to underestimate the involvement of political parties in ballot measure contests as well as the impact of partisanship on initiative voting. Focusing on recent ballot contests in California, we find that the two major party organizations in California are actively using ballot initiatives to bolster voter turnout for their candidates, divide the opposition with `wedge' issues and promote their own party's platform and ideology. This party involvement in initiative contests seems to be paying off, as partisanship is the strongest predictor of votes on ballot measures in California at both the aggregate and individual levels. More generally, our research - which runs counter to the expectations of Populist and Progressive reformers - shines new light on how political parties are shaping not only the process, but also the politics of direct democracy.

Examines their use by Democratic and Republican Party organizations to increase turnout for their candidates, split the opposing party's base of support, and promote their platform and ideology, and effect of party affiliation on voting behavior; based on county level voting patterns in the 1998 primary and general elections. Implications for direct democracy in California.