Right here, right now: a call for engaged scholarship on climate justice in Turkey
In: New perspectives on Turkey: NPT, Band 56, S. 152-158
ISSN: 1305-3299
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In: New perspectives on Turkey: NPT, Band 56, S. 152-158
ISSN: 1305-3299
In: New perspectives on Turkey: NPT, Band 56, S. 131-133
ISSN: 1305-3299
Hay un amplio reconocimiento sobre el hecho de que los cambios ambientales globales actuales no pueden ser entendidos, analizados y respondidos sin reconocer el rol de la globalización neoliberal en su misma perpetuación y exacerbación. El feedback y la superposición entre estos dos principales cambios globales llevan a dobles exposiciones, donde las vulnerabilidades se hacen irremisiblemente visibles y la intervención adaptativa para salvaguardar intereses políticos y económicos se convierte en imperativa. Los resultados de la investigación sobre este campo sugieren que las asimetrías de poder, los intereses particulares y diversos valores presentes en las políticas de adaptación al cambio climático y el desarrollo nacional son decisivas en la elección de unos u otros caminos de adaptación. Estos caminos, cargados también de valores morales, pueden limitar las políticas nacionales a soluciones técnicas y de gestión, al minusvalorar las medidas políticas de redistribución social y por lo tanto ocluir el debate político sobre imaginarios futuros alternativos. Basándose en tres estudios empíricos sobre la agricultura de trabajo intensivo en Turquía, esta tesis explora cómo las intervenciones adaptativas dirigidas por el Estado configuran las vulnerabilidades, y a la vez fracasan en su intento de reducirlas, al no obstaculizar la continuidad de la acumulación de capital. Con esta finalidad, esta tesis utiliza las herramientas de la ecología política para analizar un grupo de población relativamente poco estudiado pero clave para la agricultura de trabajo intensivo: los trabajadores agrícolas de migración estacional. En consecuencia, esta tesis identifica cómo la política de adaptación al cambio climático en la agricultura turca, mediante su visión del sector agrícola como una unidad homogénea, facilita el desplazamiento de los costes socio-ecológicos. Indudablemente, esta situación se origina en una excesiva simplificación de las desequilibradas relaciones de poder en el sector agrícola de trabajo intensivo, así ...
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This book is an exploration of the environmental makings and contested historical trajectories of environmental change in Turkey. Despite the recent proliferation of studies on the political economy of environmental change and urban transformation, until now there has not been a sufficiently complete treatment of Turkey's troubled environments, which live on the edge both geographically (between Europe and Middle East) and politically (between democracy and totalitarianism).
The contributors to Transforming Socio-Natures in Turkey use the toolbox of environmental humanities to explore the main political, cultural and historical factors relating to the country's socio-environmental problems. This leads not only to a better grounding of some of the historical and contemporary debates on the environment in Turkey, but also a deeper understanding of the multiplicity of framings around more-than-human interactions in the country in a time of authoritarian populism.
This book will be of interest not only to students of Turkey from a variety of social science and humanities disciplines but also contribute to the larger debates on environmental change and developmentalism in the context of a global populist turn.
In: Capitalism, nature, socialism: CNS ; a journal of socialist ecology, Band 28, Heft 2, S. 1-9
ISSN: 1548-3290
The overall aim of this project was threefold. By organizing workshops at the science-policy interface, the project wanted to: 1. Raise awareness for climate change in Turkish cities and the necessity to develop response action at the local level; 2. Further the exchange between different actors such as academicians, politicians, representatives from the private sector, and civil society as well as between Germany and Turkey in particular; 3. Work on the transfer of solutions to combat climate change at the local level. ; Bu projenin genel hedefi 3 kısımdan oluşmaktadır. Bilim ve politika arabiriminde çalıştaylar organize ederek, 1. Türkiye kentlerinde iklim değişikliği etkileri hakkında farkındalık yaratmak ve yerel düzeyde politika oluşturmak; 2. Devamında akademisyenler, politikacılar, özel sektör tem- silcileri ve sivil toplumdan farklı aktörler ile Almanya ve Türkiye özelinde karşılıklı ziyaretler düz- enlenmesi; 3. İklim değişikliği ile yerelde mücadelede çözümler üzerine çalışmak.
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The green economy is often defined as an economic configu ration that results in improved human well - being and social equity, while reducing (or at least decoupling from) environmental risks . It is elusive, and can be read as a new way of ensuring and maintaining capital accumulation accompanied by neoliberal austerity policies , where a green rationale is required to maintain the structural roots of the global political economy. As such, critics often identify its self -contradictory nature , in giving legitimacy and coherence to a number of public policies. This article critically examines the post- politicisation of the green economy , by tracing its social construction and meaning -making . In doing so, it follows the green economy debate in the post -politicization of the environment in Turkey, a rapidly developing country with significant socio -ecological challenges. Th e analysis suggests that the green economy will become more important at Turkey tr ies to meet international environmental agreements . Th e article sheds light on its preparatory report for the Rio+20 Summit, titled Turkey' s sustainable development report: claiming the futu re 2012 . We find that the green economy serves as a useful discursive tool to legitimize a state - facilitated, market -driven, full -frontal assault on ecosystems in Turkey, particularly in the energy sector. We argue that a clear rejection of such framings and the development of alternatives to post - politicization, are the two key challenges facing the environmental movement in the country. ; QC 20210922
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Migration and climate change are hot topics generating widespread concerns and fears in European public opinion. However, a striking difference between them is the 'efficacy' of the fears that surround the two topics. For migration, the spectre of a looming invasion and similar narratives translate into immense impacts and a securitisation of the matter. For climate change, growing awareness over the prospect of a climate emergency only sporadically translates into urgent action. This article engages with this remarkable difference of great political relevance. While analyses of fear and securitisation of migration and climate have privileged inter-state politics and international discourses, here we investigate how fear is produced, mobilised, and contested in sub-national political arenas. Rather than on a spectacular case (as Lampedusa or a Pacific Island) we focus on Sardinia, an ordinary region that, for both climate change and migration, is not under the spotlight – there are no melting glaciers nor climate refugees. Drawing on focus groups and interviews with Sardinian local authorities, we detail how mayors and municipality feel on the frontline against both climate change and migration. However, rather than as security issues, both emerge tangled with questions such as austerity, spopolamento(depopulation), economic decline, and rural-urban dynamics. But while fears over migration translate into strong citizen pressure mayors feel compelled to react to, concerns about climate change instead lead to a sort of fatalism or deferral. We conclude the paper with reflections on the implications that this important difference has for broader debates on climate and migration.
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In: Bettini , G , Beuret , N & Turhan , E 2021 , ' On the Frontlines of Fear : Migration and Climate Change in the Local Context of Sardinia, Italy ' , ACME : an International E-journal for Critical Geographies , vol. 20 , no. 3 , pp. 322-340 . ; ISSN:1492-9732
Migration and climate change are hot topics generating widespread concerns and fears in European public opinion. However, a striking difference between them is the 'efficacy' of the fears that surround the two topics. For migration, the spectre of a looming invasion and similar narratives translate into immense impacts and a securitisation of the matter. For climate change, growing awareness over the prospect of a climate emergency only sporadically translates into urgent action. This article engages with this remarkable difference of great political relevance. While analyses of fear and securitisation of migration and climate have privileged inter-state politics and international discourses, here we investigate how fear is produced, mobilised, and contested in sub-national political arenas. Rather than on a spectacular case (as Lampedusa or a Pacific Island) we focus on Sardinia, an ordinary region that, for both climate change and migration, is not under the spotlight – there are no melting glaciers nor climate refugees. Drawing on focus groups and interviews with Sardinian local authorities, we detail how mayors and municipality feel on the frontline against both climate change and migration. However, rather than as security issues, both emerge tangled with questions such as austerity, spopolamento(depopulation), economic decline, and rural-urban dynamics. But while fears over migration translate into strong citizen pressure mayors feel compelled to react to, concerns about climate change instead lead to a sort of fatalism or deferral. We conclude the paper with reflections on the implications that this important difference has for broader debates on climate and migration.
BASE
Migration and climate change are hot topics generating widespread concerns and fears in European public opinion. However, a striking difference between them is the 'efficacy' of the fears that surround the two topics. For migration, the spectre of a looming invasion and similar narratives translate into immense impacts and a securitisation of the matter. For climate change, growing awareness over the prospect of a climate emergency only sporadically translates into urgent action. This article engages with this remarkable difference of great political relevance. While analyses of fear and securitisation of migration and climate have privileged inter-state politics and international discourses, here we investigate how fear is produced, mobilised, and contested in sub-national political arenas. Rather than on a spectacular case (as Lampedusa or a Pacific Island) we focus on Sardinia, an ordinary region that, for both climate change and migration, is not under the spotlight – there are no melting glaciers nor climate refugees. Drawing on focus groups and interviews with Sardinian local authorities, we detail how mayors and municipality feel on the frontline against both climate change and migration. However, rather than as security issues, both emerge tangled with questions such as austerity, spopolamento (depopulation), economic decline, and rural-urban dynamics. But while fears over migration translate into strong citizen pressure mayors feel compelled to react to, concerns about climate change instead lead to a sort of fatalism or deferral. We conclude the paper with reflections on the implications that this important difference has for broader debates on climate and migration.
BASE
This book is an exploration of the environmental makings and contested historical trajectories of environmental change in Turkey. Despite the recent proliferation of studies on the political economy of environmental change and urban transformation, until now there has not been a sufficiently complete treatment of Turkey's troubled environments, which live on the edge both geographically (between Europe and Middle East) and politically (between democracy and totalitarianism). The contributors to Transforming Socio-Natures in Turkey use the toolbox of environmental humanities to explore the main political, cultural and historical factors relating to the country's socio-environmental problems. This leads not only to a better grounding of some of the historical and contemporary debates on the environment in Turkey, but also a deeper understanding of the multiplicity of framings around more-than-human interactions in the country in a time of authoritarian populism. This book will be of interest not only to students of Turkey from a variety of social science and humanities disciplines but also contribute to the larger debates on environmental change and developmentalism in the context of a global populist turn.
In this chapter, we take a critical look at the historical transformation of grassroots mobilization and political engagement in Aliağa in the period between these two historical moments (1990 and 2016) by using archival material from two national newspapers with wide circulation, secondary literature, and indepth interviews with some of the key actors. Aliağa appears to be a curious case for neglect in the scholarly literature on environmental activism in Turkey, a history of victories and defeats only partially told. This is particularly relevant and important since the powerful coalition that had emerged in the 1990s (formed by locals, the Green Party, the main social democratic opposition party in parliament, the Union of Chambers of Turkish Engineers and Architects and labor unions) fought and won a major victory giving way to the cancellation of the government's plans and the birth of a combatant environmental movement in the region. Although it was one of the fi rst nationally debated environmental justice successes of this scale in Turkey ( Şahin, 2010 ), anti-coal movement in Aliağa still remains somewhat under-investigated in the country's history of environmental movements. Thus, providing a micro-historical account would not only give the Aliağa anti-coal movement the due credit it deserves, but also help us illustrate the changing nature and shifting contours of environmental mobilizations in Turkey at large in a time of re-escalating authoritarianism. Since "there is not a right or wrong environmentalism, but narratives and practices of environmentalism which are historically produced" ( Armiero and Sedrez, 2014 : 11), our effort here also helps to reveal some hidden narratives and practices which are equally relevant for contemporary environmental movement in Turkey. To this end, we describe how the hegemonic state – in a counter-movement – reacted to the legal developments and the activism in Aliağa by changing the rules of the game; amending institutional and legal frameworks for investment ...
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This book is an exploration of the environmental makings and contested historical trajectories of environmental change in Turkey. Despite the recent proliferation of studies on the political economy of environmental change and urban transformation, until now there has not been a sufficiently complete treatment of Turkey's troubled environments, which live on the edge both geographically (between Europe and Middle East) and politically (between democracy and totalitarianism). The contributors to Transforming Socio-Natures in Turkey use the toolbox of environmental humanities to explore the main political, cultural and historical factors relating to the country's socio-environmental problems. This leads not only to a better grounding of some of the historical and contemporary debates on the environment in Turkey, but also a deeper understanding of the multiplicity of framings around more-than-human interactions in the country in a time of authoritarian populism. This book will be of interest not only to students of Turkey from a variety of social science and humanities disciplines but also contribute to the larger debates on environmental change and developmentalism in the context of a global populist turn.
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In this research design challenge, we focus on the 'how' question of transdisciplinary study of energy systems and futures, taking into consideration the challenges of control. However, as Stirling (2014) reminds us, deterministic pictures of control can be problematic. Rather, our overarching aim here is to contribute to the emerging literature on energy research and social science by grounding it with contributions from three distinct perspectives (organization studies, political ecology and societal metabolism). We identify some opportunities for mending the gap between qualitative and quantitative approaches to energy research and suggest potential entry points to unpack energy decisions and their consequences, both expected and unexpected. We first start with a presentation of multiple epistemologies on energy and reflect on the multiplicity of knowledge. Then we move on to reflect on different ways of approaching energy questions including a specific focus on embracing the inherent complexity in societally relevant energy research. In the penultimate section, we turn to questions of power, scale and space. We conclude with some bottlenecks and opportunities for a truly transdisciplinary energy research that is societally relevant, just, equitable, sustainable and useful at once. ; QC 20180411
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In: Protest and Social Movements Series