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Pamięć historyczna w służbie autorytaryzmów
In: Kultura i społeczeństwo: kwartalnik, Band 64, Heft 3, S. 241-244
ISSN: 2300-195X
The Crisis of Democracy: An East-Central European Perspective
In: Politics in Central Europe: the journal of the Central European Political Science Association, Band 16, Heft 2, S. 353-365
ISSN: 2787-9038
Abstract
Post-communist states of East Central Europe face the authoritarian challenge to their young democracies, the sources of which are both historical and contemporary. Economic underdevelopment, the retarded process of nation-building and several decades of communist rul made countries of the region less well prepared for democratic transformation than their Western neighbors, but better than former Soviet Union. Combination of economic and social tensions, nationalism and religious fundamentalism creates conditions conducive tom the crises of democracy, but such crises can be overcome if liberal and socialist forces join hands.
National security in the unsafe world: a Central European perspective
In: Central European political science review: quarterly of Central European Political Science Association ; CEPSR, Band 20, Heft 77, S. 19-29
ISSN: 1586-4197
World Affairs Online
Reflections on the Russian Revolution
In: Prispevki za novejšo zgodovino: Contributions to the contemporary history = Contributions à l'histoire contemporaine = Beiträge zur Zeitgeschichte, Band 58, Heft 1, S. 190-195
ISSN: 2463-7807
The Russian revolution of 1917 was one of the turning points in world history, even if its radical (communist) stage proved to be a historical blind street. There was just one revolution – not two, as it had been interpreted by the Soviet historiography. The uniqueness of the Russian revolution results from the fact that the radical seizure of power in November 1917 turned to be the beginning of a long process of totalitarian dictatorship, which lasted for mor than seventy years. Today, it is the heritage of the victory in the Second World War that constitutes the founding myth of modern Russian state.
Democratic Experience in Central Europe: 25 Years Later
In: Sociology and Anthropology, Band 5, Heft 10, S. 836-840
ISSN: 2331-6187
Civic Education for Human Rights
In: Polish political science: yearbook, Band 36
ISSN: 0208-7375
A Small Power's Strategy: Poland and the Ukrainian Crisis of 2004
In: Politics in Central Europe, Heft 1, S. 93-103
Political scientists discussed the role of the smaller states in several studies published in the 1960s and 70s. They focused on policy choices a small power faced when joining multinational alliances and within them. Recently, attention has focused on how many a small powers can influence political developments both within the alliances they belong to and outside them. Poland's involvement in the negotiated solution of the Ukrainian political crisis of 2004 shows that a smaller power can use its assets to influence events. When the political scene in Ukraine polarized between two camps (respectively represented by Prime Minister Victor Yanukovych and the opposition leader Victor Yushchenko) Russia tried to influence the outcome by giving support to Yanukovych. The United States and the European Union remained neutral in the crisis, mostly due to their unwillingness to damage their relations with Russia. When the run-off election had been rigged and Yushchenko's supporters began street protests, Polish public opinion solidly sided with the Ukrainian opposition. Poland's President Aleksander Kwasniewski, in a series of visits to Kiev, helped both sides of the Ukrainian crisis to reach a negotiated compromise. The run-off results were declared void by the Supreme Court and in the repeated vote Yushchenko won the presidency. Poland was able to help her neighbour to chose a democratic solution to the crisis and continues to support Ukraine's efforts to join the European Union. In the long run such policy serves Poland's interests but its immediate consequence has been a deterioration in Polish-Russian relations.
Polish local elites and democratic change, 1990-2002
In: Communist and post-communist studies: an international interdisciplinary journal, Band 36, Heft 3, S. 373-383
ISSN: 0967-067X
World Affairs Online
Polishlocal elites and democratic change, 1990–2002
In: Communist and post-communist studies, Band 36, Heft 3, S. 373-383
ISSN: 0967-067X
Do leaders make a differenceŒ Do they actually leadŒ There is a rich body of theoretical literature in which one can find many different responses.1 The question can be dealt with on the level of the philosophy of history as well as on the basis of empirical political sociology. The present paper takes the second road. Using data from the behavioral research conducted in Poland since 1966,1 particularly from the four studies conducted since the beginning of democratic reforms, I shall try to illustrate the importance of reformist leadership in Poland's local politics.
Publiczny wymiar dyplomaciji
In: Polski przegląd dyplomatyczny, Band 3, Heft 5, S. 63-73
ISSN: 1642-4069
II. Countries and European Studies: Ataturk's Principle of Secular State Today
In: Polish political science: yearbook, Band 31, S. 57-64
ISSN: 0208-7375
The Central European Political Science Association
In: Central European political science review: quarterly of Central European Political Science Association ; CEPSR, Band 3, Heft 9
ISSN: 1586-4197
Poland's Road to the European Union: The State of the Enlargement Process after the 2001 September Elections
In: Politicka misao, Band 38, Heft 5, S. 116-122
The author thinks that the consensus that used to exist in Poland regarding its membership in the European Union (EU) no longer exists after the parliamentary elections in Sept 2001. Two anti-European parties entered the parliament: the radical-populist Self-defense & the League of Polish Families, representing the fundamentalist Catholic Right. The author claims that the opponents of the Polish integration into the EU are too weak in the parliament to stop this process. Though Poland enjoys the support of the states such as Germany, France, & GB the outcome of the Polish referendum on joining the EU, scheduled for the end of 2003, is far from certain. The reason for this is an intensified political campaign of the parliamentary parties opposed to Poland's EU membership & the unfavorable economic situation. The author concludes that the success of the referendum to a large extent depends on the efficiency of the government's economic policy in the first two years of its term. 3 References. Adapted from the source document.
Meeting of the Executive Committee of the Central European Political Science Association
In: Central European political science review: quarterly of Central European Political Science Association ; CEPSR, Band 2, Heft 5
ISSN: 1586-4197