CITIZENSHIP AS IDENTITY, CITIZENSHIP AS SHARED FATE, AND THE FUNCTIONS OF MULTICULTURAL EDUCATION
In: Citizenship and Education in Liberal-Democratic Societies, S. 208-241
In: Citizenship and Education in Liberal-Democratic Societies, S. 208-241
In: Women & politics, Band 24, Heft 2, S. 94-95
ISSN: 0195-7732
Argues that, in spite of many close affinities, there are significant tensions between arguments for group representation & defenses of deliberative democracy. It is contended that defenders of deliberate democracy have not sufficiently considered the challenges social differences present to a deliberative conception of legitimacy. Contestations related to gender, race, ethnicity, class, or sexuality have the potential of undermining "notions of reasonableness upon which deliberative theory depends for its conception of legitimacy." The place of impartiality in various theories of deliberative democracy is explored, along with the contributions of marginalized group perspectives to democratic deliberation. Recent feminist critiques of deliberative democracy are extended to consider challenges to deliberative theory posed by a standard of reasonableness & social/political circumstances under which marginalized group perspectives are likely to influence the opinions of others. The implications are discussed in relation to general notions of the virtues/responsibilities of citizenship. A debate in the US Senate about the Confederate flag is highlighted to illustrate the uncertainty of reason-giving in public discourse. 1 Appendix. J. Lindroth
In: Citizenship in Diverse Societies, S. 124-152
In: The journal of politics: JOP, Band 61, Heft 4, S. 1201-1202
ISSN: 0022-3816
In: American political science review, Band 93, Heft 2, S. 441
ISSN: 0003-0554
In: Citizenship studies, Band 2, Heft 3, S. 475-500
ISSN: 1362-1025
Islam generally, & Muslim immigrant communities in particular, have recently been targeted for criticism by Western academics & in popular Western media. Here, the substance of these criticisms is explored, weighing them against the beliefs & practices of Muslim immigrants in Western liberal democracies. Three distinct questions are addressed: (1) What sort of cultural adaptations is it reasonable for liberal democratic states & societies to expect immigrants to make, & what kinds of adaptation is it unreasonable to demand from them? (2) How vulnerable are Islamic beliefs & practices to the criticisms commonly leveled against them in the name of liberal democracy & gender equality? (3) How strong are the parallels between the claims for political recognition & accommodation that issue from immigrant cultural communities & the claims for recognition & inclusion that issue from groups that have historically been marginalized in liberal democratic societies? Although tensions may exist between the core commitments of liberal democratic societies & some Islamic practices, it is concluded that Western writers exaggerate these tensions. Muslim communities generally pose no greater challenge to liberal societies than do other religious & immigrant communities. Western writers should be chary of rejecting their claims to toleration & accommodation too swiftly. 65 References. Adapted from the source document.
In: Citizenship studies, Band 2, Heft 3, S. 475-500
ISSN: 1469-3593