Intro -- Contents -- Figures and Tables -- Abbreviations -- Acknowledgments -- Feminists and Party Politics -- Introduction -- 1 Theorizing Feminist Strategy and Party Responsiveness -- 2 Partisan Engagement: American Feminists and Party Politics -- 3 Power Is Not Electoral: Canadian Feminists and Party Politics -- 4 Polarization: American Parties Respond -- 5 Moderate Endorsement: Canadian Parties Respond -- 6 Can Feminists Transform Party Politics? -- Appendix: Data Sets and Scales -- Notes -- References -- Index.
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AbstractThis article argues that the cartel party thesis is not supported by empirical evidence in the Canadian case. Even though Canadian parties at the federal level colluded to provide themselves with funding and to hinder the entry of new parties into the system, they were not transformed into cartel patties. Canadian parties have not become primarily reliant on state resources, and the specific formulas for delivery of public funding do not remove or greatly diminish parties' incentives to solicit support from the public. Parties' ties to civil society consequently remain intact. There is little evidence for the consequent diminution of party competition or increased interpenetration of state and society posited by the cartel thesis. The article argues that the cartel model is largely inapplicable to anglo-american political systems because it fails to take into account the effect of specific forms of state funding.
Comparing the orientation of the American and Canadian women's movements toward political parties and electoral politics between 1970 and 1993, the article concludes that the predisposition away from established parties posited by new social movement theorists is present in both movements, but is in tension with the substantive and symbolic benefits that engagement with partisan and electoral politics promises. Within the broad context of these contradictory impulses, opportunity structures have shaped specific movement strategies. The permeable character of American parties, coupled with a two-party system, have facilitated the American movement's engagement with political parties, particularly the Democrats. In contrast to this, the cohesive, impermeable character of Canadian parties and a three-party system have prevented the Canadian movement from developing an exclusive relationship with any one party, and have contributed to the movement's growing apartisan orientation since the mid-1980s.
Examines the orientation of US & Canadian women's movements toward established parties & electoral politics, 1970-1993, drawing on a variety of empirical data. Although both movements have engaged in the political process, neither has developed a permanent, exclusive relationship with a political party. However, this does not support the contention that these movements are emblematic of other new social movements in moving away from the formal political process. The relationship of these movements to parties & electoral politics is contradictory, as manifested in the coexistence of multi- & apartisan strategies in the movements. Opportunity structures available to the movements largely determine the differences in how they resolve these contradictions. While the US movement has aligned itself with the Democratic Party, the Canadian movement has followed a multipartisan approach. 2 Tables, 2 Figures, 45 References. D. M. Smith
