The Muslim Brotherhood and Egypt's succession crisis: the politics of liberalisation and reform in the Middle East
In: Library of modern Middle East studies 81
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In: Library of modern Middle East studies 81
In: The journal of North African studies, Band 15, Heft 2, S. 217-230
ISSN: 1362-9387
World Affairs Online
In: The journal of North African studies, Band 15, Heft 2, S. 217-230
ISSN: 1743-9345
In: Contemporary Arab affairs, Band 1, Heft 3, S. 375-389
ISSN: 1755-0920
Egyptian economic reforms have been an on-going process since the Egyptian government adopted liberal market reforms in 1991 (Kienle 2001, 2004), influenced by a number of internal socio-economic factors, including growing levels of poverty, heightened inflation, high levels of corruption and rising levels of unemployment, in particular among new university graduates. These factors were exerting heavy pressure on a highly bureaucratic and inefficient state (Bayat 1997). However, the ensuing economic reforms resulted in tightened fiscal and monetary polices, and a subsequent increased and heightened socio-economic crisis in Egypt, which the Egyptian government attempted to control by imposing increasingly authoritarian measures, with political de-liberalization evident in both urban and rural areas (Kienle 2001). This led, at the turn of the millennium, to a period of failed economic reforms and increased levels of authoritarianism, which coincided with the political rise of the president's son, Gamal Mubarak, whose economic and business credentials have led to optimism concerning the possibility of future reform and change in Egypt. This paper examines the electoral promises made by Hosni Mubarak in the 2005 presidential elections and the ensuing economic and political implications for the political succession in Egypt, leading to conclusions about the future processes of economic and political reform in Egypt and the impact upon them of the political succession
In: Review of African political economy, Band 33, Heft 110
ISSN: 1740-1720
This article compares the evidence from two related movements: the contemporary Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt, and the cluster of organisations that have been closely associated with Hasan al-Turabi in Sudan, in order to query the extent to which Islamism is compatible with liberal democratic politics. The answers suggested are, in the Egyptian case, hopeful, but for Sudan decidedly pessimistic. However, there are complexities within both stories. The comparison indicates ways in which the outcomes are related to the framing circumstances, but also points out the limitations of the information currently available in the academic literature.
In: Review of African political economy, Band 33, Heft 110 [i.e. 33 (December 2006) 110], S. 693-708
ISSN: 0305-6244
World Affairs Online