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The author discusses the theory of liberal nationalism of the prominent Canadian political theorist Will Kymlicka. According to Kymlicka, liberal nationalism is a necessary ingredient of developed liberal democracy, because social justice, deliberative democracy, & individual freedom are most efficiently achieved within national political units. Kymlicka defines his theory as liberal culturalism, a doctrinal variety able to unify nationalism & multiculturalism. The author analyzes the main arguments on which Kymlicka's theoretical claims are based & maintains that Kymlicka's justification of nationalism has serious deficits: It uses a too abstract notion of liberal culturalism, neglects alternative theoretical approaches & counter-arguments, & wrongly presupposes nationalism as a functional prerequisite of democracy, welfare state, & individual liberties. In conclusion, it is emphasized that Kymlicka's theory can be described as morally & politically opportunist: It supports the contemporary hegemonic political practice, which only superficially claims to be multiculturalist, but it has little to offer to contemporary political philosophy. 43 References. Adapted from the source document.

The author analyzes the relationship between political science & political education by identifying the fundamental contributions of political science to the design, implementation, & promotion of political education & lists the most significant political science arguments proving the necessity of political education. Drawing on research by Putnam, Ostroom, & others, he tries to show how the so-called social capital, to a large extent inclusive of the contents of democratic political culture, is a major factor in the efficient operation of democratic government & in the political development of democracy. The three most important issues (dimensions) of politics that compose the axis of political education are analyzed in detail, dealing with the relationships between politics & democracy, citizenship & identity, & cohesion & diversity (fragmentation & pluralization) in society. The answers to these questions (liberal, communitarian, republican, postmodern) influence the concept of political education: its terms, goals, programs, methods, & other aspects of its implementation. The author stresses the complexity of these dimensions & consequently the sensitivity of political education. Adapted from the source document.

Discusses how Russia & the USSR were more durable than the British & Mongol empires & their major role in world politics since 1700. At the core of the collapse of the Russian-Soviet empire is the bias toward acquiring & retaining territory at any cost. The author evaluates the expansionism of the Russian-Soviet Empire from Kenneth Waltz's neorealist perspective. Three themes are present in the empirical literature on Russian & Soviet imperial history: the primacy of the security problem; the influence of geopolitics on identity & domestic institutions; & the adaptation to external pressures. Neorealist theory seems to provide an explanation for the Russian-Soviet propensity toward costly expansion, & the article discusses Soviet expansionism from Brezhnev to Gorbachev, considered an anomaly to most analysts. Although neorealist theory claims to be used as the baseline for analyzing state behavior, it has not been subject to focused empirical evaluation. Thus, the author found that Russian & the USSR were good cases for neorealist theory. J. Moses

The principle of national self-determination has been haunting the world since the French Revolution. In Eastern Europe and the former Soviet Union alone 20 new "nation-states" were created in the 1990s—200 years after the French Revolution. They were all established on the basis of the principle of national self-determination. There may be no other term in modern political discourse which is used with more emotion and passion. Recent history has known many wars fueled by conflicting interpretations of self-determination. Woodrow Wilson thought that implementation of the principle of self-determination would lead to a better world, a world without wars and "safe for democracy." His secretary of state, Robert Lansing, had doubts. He suspected the concept of self-determination to be "loaded with dynamite" and capable of causing even more bloodshed because it "will raise hopes which can never be realized."

The author investigated the so-called "Red August" of 1966, the start of large-scale violent persecution during the People's Republic of China's cultural revolution. She interviewed hundreds of teachers & students from 96 schools & reviewed all available written materials. This article provides a detailed description of how educators were insulted, tortured, & even killed by their students. Mobilized as members of a new youth organization named "Red Guards," the students attacked the educators for being "capitalist intellectuals." In those schools, 27 educators were murdered; more committed suicide subsequent to torture. Cruel oppression silenced resistance. Stories about bloody campus persecutions were too politically sensitive following the Cultural Revolution, so have heretofore received scant attention in the historical narrative. As the author shows, given the high regard China has traditionally held for education, the brutalizing of educators in China was an unprecedented act. The objective of this article is to reveal the texture & significance of these underreported & underappreciated part of China's history. Causes & ramifications are discussed & analyzed. 2 Appendixes. Adapted from the source document.

The author discusses his philosophy regarding humanity's relationship to the cosmos, essentially whether the human race is lost within the cosmos, which evolutionists believe is a product of chance, or whether it is able to live with purpose in this world. He discusses how modern knowledge of the universe, which points to the future death of the sun & end of life in this solar system, can give humanity a sense of homelessness & life without purpose. While technological advances counter this sense of helplessness, they also come with a price; they reduce quality of life at the same time that they advance it. The author follows the reasoning for both the big bang theory & the theory of evolution & points out rational arguments that have not yet been addressed by the scientific community, which completely accepts these theories. He concludes that, despite the current random & future terrors that might occur, this universe & the world are good, & humanity still possesses motivations for strengthening spirits, moral resolves, & intelligence. L. A. Hoffman

The article analyzes the peacekeeping operations directed by the UN, describing its features & the international scenario in which such operations take place. The author classifies them & identifies two generations of these operations, each with their own peculiarities according to the context in which conflicts developed. The study refers to the way the application of these operations has changed, & the difference between these & the other operations directed by the same international organization. The paper assesses the results, costs, & effectiveness of some of these operations; identifies the actors who intervene in their materialization & the countries that most commonly participate in them by offering either funds or human resources; & stresses the role played by Latin America (specifically Argentina & Brazil). Finally, the author points out that in the case of developing countries, the effectiveness of peacekeeping operations is constantly questioned; therefore, preventive actions, rather than reactive ones, are most likely to be implemented in the face of emerging conflicts. 7 Tables, 2 Graphs. Adapted from the source document.

The role of the speech in American politics, particularly in the 2000 presidential election, is the subject of this article. The author explores the idea of political kitsch, which is defined as the practice of a politician shaping their public remarks around what is assumed to be accepted by the public & ideological politics, & transforming these assumptions into action & speech. The use of this conceit creates an atmosphere where political views are assumed rather than tested, & may indeed have nothing to do with the convictions of the politicians at all. The second section of the article examines how Gore lost two almost unlosable political battles -- the election & the attempt to obtain a manual recount of the FL votes -- & how the Republicans managed to convince the Democrats that the populace wanted to punish the Democratic Party for the Lewinsky affair. The author criticizes Gore more than Bush & sees Bush's victory as evidence that power is moving from the people to the Republican Party. G. Gifford

A reply to Paul Burkett's "Labour, Eco-Regulation and Value: A Response to Benton's Ecological Critique of Marx" (1998b). It is contended that Burkett agrees with the author's contentions that the capitalist system of social & economic relations is the principal cause of environmental degradation. However, several explanations for differences between the author's & Burkett's Marxist approaches to resolving environmental problems are considered. Burkett's contention that the author's ontology is founded upon the problematic material/social dualism is rejected. It is stated that Burkett has failed to identify the author's critique of technological determinism. After suggesting differences between the author's & Burkett's understanding of class, Burkett's charge that the author is a neo-Malthusian Marxist is addressed. Three central disagreements between Burkett's & the author's Marxist positions are then identified, eg, the author's contention that Karl Marx overlooked the role of domestic labor in comprehending the gendered nature of capitalist social relations. Additional attention is dedicated to highlighting political differences between Burkett & the author. 20 References. J. W. Parker