Suchergebnisse

Depuis l'entrée en fonction de Shavkat Mirziyoyev à l'automne 2016, l'Ouzbékistan est sans aucun doute entré dans une phase de profond changement. Pour les observateurs occidentaux en particulier, de nombreux éléments de la réforme sont susceptibles de s'inscrire dans un processus de démocratisation: réforme du marché, réforme rationnelle et juridique, responsabilisation, et participation. Toutefois, l'auteur fait valoir que ces politiques appartiennent également à la boîte à outils très ordinaire des « authoritarian upgraders. » L'expression « authoritarian upgrading » désignant un processus de modernisation ou de transformation par lequel des régimes autocratiques s'adaptent à la mondialisation. Dans cet article, on analyse les orientations, les limites et les enjeux du processus de réforme en Ouzbékistan.

The recent backlash of the peacebuilding operation in Bosnia-Herzegovina has been explained by the local elites' political immaturity, communist background and electoral strategies. This article argues that it can be explained by the erosion of the informal agreement between local parties and interveners. In return for the local elites' cooperation, the external authorities used to contain radical factions, and had installed a "benevolent autocracy" that spared the elected officials from assuming the political costs of taking decisions. The international wavering on the exit strategy put an end to this understanding which led to the reorganisation of local political strategies. Adapted from the source document.

Libya and Africa, by Charles Tripp
Africa has become a particular focus of Qadhafi's attention. This has been due to his isolation in the Arab world, his ideological proclivities, and the sensé of missionary zeal and insecurity which have characterised his révolution in Libya. Thèse same forces have driven him to seek a compliance with his will in Africa as absolute as that which he has created in Libya itself. In this he has failed. Resentment at Qadhafi's methods and his inability to overcome this resentment hâve denied him success. As elsewhere, this has also marred his policies in Chad. Insulated by his autocracy, he has been disinclined to modify his attitude, with the resuit that he tries the same tac tics repeatedly. However, there are indications that the security not only of neighbouring states, but also of Qadhafi's own régime are now being affected by the consequences of the régional conflicts in which he has persisted in embroiling his country, to no very useful end.

Contacts between mathematicians & individuals with econ or pol'al power continue to be difficult. Though it is not generally understood by the public, the same situation holds between soc sci'ts & those mathematicians who are concerned with the applications of non-quantitative mathematics. Res in communications, soc hierarchies, etc, at the present time consist of rigorously defined concepts. When such definitions are used for the study of soc microstructures they make possible the development of a precise, epistemological description of such phenomena as democracy, laissez-faire, & autocracy. Such studies are presently limited to small groups, though it is possible to envision their extension to larger groups which would be of interest to pol'al sci'ts. However, more than simply applying these techniques, it seems esp important to continue to use a methodological principle which has proved to be so fruitful: that is, to define concepts by their relationship to the objects which are studied & in the situation in which they are studied. Tr from IPSA by J. A. Broussard.

History and historiography of politics in africa. The need for a critical re-reading.
The ancient African political society were not only not democratical, but above all did not contain any seed directly profitable to democracy, concept and process of the developed countries. Three inherited hinderances must be underlined : the concept of social inequality, the consensus principle and inseparability of religion and politics. The autocracy of colonial regimes did not favour the democratical thought, in spite of an unavoidable influence of the parent-state, would it be only through school contacts. Nevertheless, the consciousness of the individual and the impossible but necessary search for a balance between the paradoxical but complementary principles of freedom and equality are universal attainments in history hampered by no determinism. But all african of foreign research workers should bear in mind the scouring of commonplaces inherited from the colonial period. These should note be posed as dogmas any longer, though scientific writings are still padded with them (ethny, dualism, tradition/modemity, traditional power, and so on...). In short, time has come to decolonize the history of Africa.

In the debate surrounding Turkey's integration into the EU, the country is often presented as an imperfect democracy, with a democratization process hindered by the Turkish state itself. Drawing both on Ottoman history & political philosophy, this article argues that the object to be examined with respect to its degree of democracy is less the state per se than its relationship to Turkish political society. This relationship is structured more around an opposition between the rulers & the ruled -- an Ottoman legacy -- than around distinctions derived from the theory of representation, in contradistinction to modern democracies. In fact, the very nature of the Ottoman state -- defined by an original combination of dynastic legitimacy, autocracy & elite reproduction -- isolated the Sultan's Empire in its final years from the trends toward democratization that European political societies were experiencing. Analyzing the elements of continuity between the republican & imperial states & societies -- revealed by the recent Ottomanist historiography -- leads to emphasizing the extent to which the still perceptible Ottoman political figuration has paved the way for the construction of Kemalist state nationalism & has limited the emergence of a democratic culture of representation that conditions its integration into the EU. Adapted from the source document.

William Bruce Lincoln, The ministers of Alexander II: A survey of their backgrounds and service careers.
To be sure, there were a number of outward similarities between the ministers of Alexander II and his father Nicholas I, but there were significant differences as well. Alexander's ministers had a considerably higher level of education than was the case with his father's ministerial appointees, and, perhaps most important, Alexander's appointees included a significant percentage of men who had risen to high rank because of technical or administrative expertise. Yet, even if the type of men appointed to head Russia's ministries under Alexander II had changed, the nature of autocracy, and the over-all functioning of the bureaucracy, remained much the same as in the past and, in the end, these factors served to limit the effectiveness of the men whom Alexander appointed to ministerial positions. As a result, even though Alexander's ministers were better equipped by education and training to deal with the problems which Russia confronted, the nature of the system in which they were obliged to function, as well as the nature of their earlier experiences in the state service, limited their effectiveness in dealing with the many crises which Russia faced during the 1860's and 1870's.

International audience ; Byzantine monarchy may be defined as an autocracy of theocratic origin: the basileus was considered as God's representative – hence the part ceremonial played in underlining the emperor's sacred character. Nevertheless, several rituals existed in Byzantium to protect the basileus from hubris – rituals that reminded him of the transitory character of power and of his necessary subservience to the Almighty (uncrowning rite, memento mori, derision practices, mimesis Christou). The mirrors of princes express similar admonishing: they insist upon the emperor's human frailty and solidarity with other men, and put emphasis on the Christian virtue of humility. These texts show how much Byzantine political theory was influenced by Holy Scripture: the Bible was read as a repertory of models and counter-examples, with which contemporary events were to be compared, according to a typological interpretation of history, prone to see hubris as the main dividing criterion between good and bad people. ; La monarchie byzantine, monarchie absolue, de caractère théocratique, passait pour émaner de Dieu même, d'où l'importance prise à Byzance par les cérémonies destinées à souligner la sacralité de l'empereur. Il existait néanmoins diverses parades rituelles visant à protéger le basileus contre la tentation de l'hybris, en lui rappelant la précarité du pouvoir et sa nécessaire soumission au Tout-Puissant (rite du découronnement, memento mori, conduites de dérision, mimesis Christou). Les miroirs des princes formulent d'identiques mises en garde, en insistant sur l'humaine fragilité de l'empereur, sur sa solidarité avec les autres hommes, et en valorisant par-dessus tout la vertu chrétienne d'humilité. On peut y observer l'influence profonde exercée sur la pensée politique des Byzantins par le texte de la Bible, considérée au Moyen Âge comme un répertoire de modèles et d'antimodèles, permettant d'évaluer l'histoire du présent, soumis à une interprétation typologique, qui fait bien souvent de la démesure la ...

International audience ; Byzantine monarchy may be defined as an autocracy of theocratic origin: the basileus was considered as God's representative – hence the part ceremonial played in underlining the emperor's sacred character. Nevertheless, several rituals existed in Byzantium to protect the basileus from hubris – rituals that reminded him of the transitory character of power and of his necessary subservience to the Almighty (uncrowning rite, memento mori, derision practices, mimesis Christou). The mirrors of princes express similar admonishing: they insist upon the emperor's human frailty and solidarity with other men, and put emphasis on the Christian virtue of humility. These texts show how much Byzantine political theory was influenced by Holy Scripture: the Bible was read as a repertory of models and counter-examples, with which contemporary events were to be compared, according to a typological interpretation of history, prone to see hubris as the main dividing criterion between good and bad people. ; La monarchie byzantine, monarchie absolue, de caractère théocratique, passait pour émaner de Dieu même, d'où l'importance prise à Byzance par les cérémonies destinées à souligner la sacralité de l'empereur. Il existait néanmoins diverses parades rituelles visant à protéger le basileus contre la tentation de l'hybris, en lui rappelant la précarité du pouvoir et sa nécessaire soumission au Tout-Puissant (rite du découronnement, memento mori, conduites de dérision, mimesis Christou). Les miroirs des princes formulent d'identiques mises en garde, en insistant sur l'humaine fragilité de l'empereur, sur sa solidarité avec les autres hommes, et en valorisant par-dessus tout la vertu chrétienne d'humilité. On peut y observer l'influence profonde exercée sur la pensée politique des Byzantins par le texte de la Bible, considérée au Moyen Âge comme un répertoire de modèles et d'antimodèles, permettant d'évaluer l'histoire du présent, soumis à une interprétation typologique, qui fait bien souvent de la démesure la ...

International audience ; Byzantine monarchy may be defined as an autocracy of theocratic origin: the basileus was considered as God's representative – hence the part ceremonial played in underlining the emperor's sacred character. Nevertheless, several rituals existed in Byzantium to protect the basileus from hubris – rituals that reminded him of the transitory character of power and of his necessary subservience to the Almighty (uncrowning rite, memento mori, derision practices, mimesis Christou). The mirrors of princes express similar admonishing: they insist upon the emperor's human frailty and solidarity with other men, and put emphasis on the Christian virtue of humility. These texts show how much Byzantine political theory was influenced by Holy Scripture: the Bible was read as a repertory of models and counter-examples, with which contemporary events were to be compared, according to a typological interpretation of history, prone to see hubris as the main dividing criterion between good and bad people. ; La monarchie byzantine, monarchie absolue, de caractère théocratique, passait pour émaner de Dieu même, d'où l'importance prise à Byzance par les cérémonies destinées à souligner la sacralité de l'empereur. Il existait néanmoins diverses parades rituelles visant à protéger le basileus contre la tentation de l'hybris, en lui rappelant la précarité du pouvoir et sa nécessaire soumission au Tout-Puissant (rite du découronnement, memento mori, conduites de dérision, mimesis Christou). Les miroirs des princes formulent d'identiques mises en garde, en insistant sur l'humaine fragilité de l'empereur, sur sa solidarité avec les autres hommes, et en valorisant par-dessus tout la vertu chrétienne d'humilité. On peut y observer l'influence profonde exercée sur la pensée politique des Byzantins par le texte de la Bible, considérée au Moyen Âge comme un répertoire de modèles et d'antimodèles, permettant d'évaluer l'histoire du présent, soumis à une interprétation typologique, qui fait bien souvent de la démesure la ...