This paper addresses the State capacities organized to promote bilateral international cooperation between Brazil and South Africa, and between Brazil and China, concerning international trade and human's rights, using comparative method and transversal analyses. Aiming to examine the impacts of political institutions on State capacities, China and South Africa were chosen due to the fact that they compound, with Brazil, different dyads of international cooperation (Leeds, 1999): China, an autocracy, and South Africa, a democracy. The paper's main objective is to point differences and similarities in the States capacities of these countries, depending on variations in their political institutions. The three countries present different types of State capacities (Cingolani, 2013): in China, there is a contrast between high administrative and low legal, relational and political State capacities. South Africa and Brazil present a more complex network of actors and institutions, revealing a bigger development of the legal, relational and political State capacities.
The article analyzes the university democratic management from a theoretical-political reflection on the contradictions of the capitalist State as an instance of domination and bourgeois power in the context of neoliberal policies. The theoretical reference is Florestan Fernandes´ conception of democracy and bourgeois- autocracy in countries with dependent and underdeveloped capitalism. The procedures are a theoretical study based on references to the concepts of democracy, education management, university autonomy and neoliberal policies. The limitation of the constitutional principle of university autonomy resulted in a restriction of democratic management by the managerial model and by the neoliberal project. ; El artículo analiza la gestión democrática universitaria desde una reflexión teórico-política de las contradicciones del Estado capitalista como instancia de dominación y poder burgués en el contexto de las políticas neoliberales. El referencial teórico es la concepción de Florestan Fernandes de la democracia y la autocracia burguesa en países con capitalismo dependiente y subdesarrollado. Los procedimientos son un estudio teórico que tiene como referencia los conceptos de democracia, gestión educativa, autonomía universitaria y políticas neoliberales. La limitación del principio constitucional de autonomía universitaria produjo una restricción a la gestión democrática por el modelo de gestión gerencial y por el proyecto neoliberal. ; O artigo analisa a gestão democrática universitária a partir de uma reflexão teórico-política das contradições do Estado capitalista como instância de dominação e poder burguês no contexto das políticas neoliberais. O referencial teórico é a concepção de Florestan Fernandes de democracia e autocracia-burguesa em países de capitalismo dependente e subdesenvolvido. Os procedimentos são um estudo teórico que faz referências aos conceitos de democracia, gestão da educação, autonomia universitária e as políticas neoliberais. A limitação do princípio constitucional de autonomia universitária produziu uma restrição da gestão democrática pelo modelo de gestão gerencial e pelo projeto neoliberal.
Analyzing the "left" and "right" political positions of individuals is challenging because personal attributes may influence political decisions without directly causing them. This issue may be even more pronounced in Latin America, where young democracies encounter the challenge of stabilizing political choices over time. This study contributes to the literature by analyzing the influence of personal attributes on political choices, focusing on the early 2000s, when the "left" turn occurred. The present study relies on the World Values Survey's fifth wave (2005-2008) to fulfil this objective. This dataset is composed of data that have been collected globally, and the questions are related to diverse subjects associated with the quality of life of individuals. From the available sample, we included all of the Latin American countries that participated in this wave: Argentina, Brazil, Chile, Colombia, Mexico, Peru, and Uruguay. In this study, the aim is to directly understand the impact of these individuals own attributes on their declared self-positioning about the political leaning. To this aim, an ordered logit model was used to analyse how each variable exerts influence on the political leaning of the respondents. Our results found that political cleavages depend on demographic factors, economic factors, and individual opinions in agreement with previous studies. Increased age, religious service attendance, and satisfaction with one's financial life increase the tendency of individuals for self-positioning to the right of the political spectrum. The possession of a university degree and residence in a large city increases the likelihood of individuals of self-identifying with a leftist political position. This study contributes to the literature by analysing the influence of personal attributes on political choices. Although this research represents an important step toward understanding political leanings in Latin American countries, a significant amount of future research remains. The definitions of "left" and "right" continue to be unclear as they relate to dimensions that include democracy, autocracy, and political reform. Understanding the ways individuals set up their choices would increase the responsibility of political parties and authorities for the hidden claim the population has about their deliverables. At the same time, studies like ours may enhance the awareness of the general impression over political party choices of candidates. Finally, even with so many confounding aspects in this antagonist position, the left and the right continue to be a simple way to characterize veiled assumptions. Therefore, it may be an ambiguous form of defining choices, but this seemingly binary choice is still very significant for voters in Latin America.
The paper is devoted to the study of the Kazan school district administration activities during one of the key periods in the Russian state history: the period of its socio-economic and political transformation. Liberal reforms of Alexander I, conservative course of Alexander III, revolutionary events of the early 20th century: all the peripetias of these epochs are reflected in the autocracy's policy on Tatar-Muslim schooling. The authors of the paper revealed the historical circumstances concerning establishment of the Kazan educational district, demonstrate its structure and place in the hierarchy of public education system structures available in the Russian Empire, trace the evolution of its functions, goals and objectives in a close relationship with the socio-economic and political processes in the country. The multi-confessional and multi-ethnic character of the population of the educational district considered in the paper is underlined. The authors focus on the activities of the tutors of the Kazan school district, who not only implemented the policy of the autocracy regarding the school education of Tatars-Muslims, but also submitted proposals to the higher authorities to improve the above mentioned policy. The place and role of Tatar, Bashkir and Kirghiz school inspectors, directors of public schools, and other officials in the implementation of the school policy regarding Muslim peoples are thoroughly analysed. The authors' conclusions are based on extensive archival sources. ; El documento está dedicado al estudio de las actividades de la administración del distrito escolar de Kazán durante uno de los períodos clave en la historia del estado ruso: el período de su transformación socio-económica y política. Reformas liberales de Alejandro I, curso conservador de Alejandro III, acontecimientos revolucionarios de principios del siglo XX: todas las peripecias de estas épocas se reflejan en la política de la autocracia sobre la escolarización tártaro-musulmana. Los autores del artículo revelaron las circunstancias históricas relativas al establecimiento del distrito educativo de Kazán, demuestran su estructura y lugar en la jerarquía de las estructuras del sistema de educación pública disponibles en el Imperio ruso, trazan la evolución de sus funciones, metas y objetivos en una relación cercana. con los procesos socio-económicos y políticos del país. Se subraya el carácter multiconfesional y multiétnico de la población del distrito educativo considerado en el artículo. Los autores se centran en las actividades de los tutores del distrito escolar de Kazán, quienes no solo implementaron la política de la autocracia con respecto a la educación escolar de los tártaros-musulmanes, sino que también presentaron propuestas a las autoridades superiores para mejorar dicha política. Se analiza a fondo el lugar y el papel de los inspectores escolares tártaros, bashkir y kirguís, directores de escuelas públicas y otros funcionarios en la implementación de la política escolar con respecto a los pueblos musulmanes. Las conclusiones de los autores se basan en amplias fuentes de archivo. ; O artigo é dedicado ao estudo das atividades da administração do distrito escolar de Kazan durante um dos períodos-chave na história do estado russo: o período de sua transformação socioeconômica e política. Reformas liberais de Alexandre I, curso conservador de Alexandre III, acontecimentos revolucionários do início do século 20: todas as peripetias dessas épocas se refletem na política autocrática sobre a escolarização tártaro-muçulmana. Os autores do artigo revelam as circunstâncias históricas relativas ao estabelecimento do distrito educacional de Kazan, demonstram sua estrutura e lugar na hierarquia das estruturas do sistema de ensino público disponível no Império Russo, traçam a evolução de suas funções, metas e objetivos em uma relação próxima com os processos socioeconômicos e políticos do país. O caráter multi-confessional e multiétnico da população do distrito educacional considerado no artigo é sublinhado. Os autores se concentram nas atividades dos tutores do distrito escolar de Kazan, que não só implementaram a política da autocracia em relação à educação escolar dos tártaros-muçulmanos, mas também apresentaram propostas às autoridades superiores para melhorar a política acima mencionada. O lugar e o papel dos inspetores escolares tártaros, bashkir e quirguizes, diretores de escolas públicas e outros funcionários na implementação da política escolar em relação aos povos muçulmanos são analisados minuciosamente. As conclusões dos autores são baseadas em extensas fontes de arquivo.
