Autonomism and Federalism
In: Publius: the journal of federalism, Band 42, Heft 1, S. 134-134
ISSN: 0048-5950
In: Publius: the journal of federalism, Band 42, Heft 1, S. 134-134
ISSN: 0048-5950
In: Publius: the journal of federalism, Band 42, Heft 1, S. 134-161
ISSN: 1747-7107
SSRN
Working paper
Defence date: 23 November 2007 ; Examining Board: Prof. Raffaele Romanelli, La Sapienza University, Rome ; Prof. Marina Cattaruzza, University of Bern ; Prof. Drago Roksandić, University of Zagred ; Prof. Heinz Gerhard Haupt, EUI-HEC ; This thesis is made available in Open Access in October 2018 as requested and wanted by the family of the author who tragically was killed on 31 January 2015. It is his family's desire that the author's research is open and available to all. ; no abstract available
BASE
The Second World War found Bosniaks politically disunited. Four different and mutually opposed political and military options – pro-Serbian, pro-Croatian, Communist and Autonomist – operated within the country. The constitution of the contemporary Bosniak political subject in the 1920s by means of the politics of memory takes as referential points from the past only the shared moment of anti-fascist struggle. The new politics of identity largely relies upon the so called 'Resolutions of Towns' – protests on the part of Bosniak citizens against the fascist killings of Jewish and Roma citizens after the establishment of the Independent State of Croatia. Another frequently highlighted moment is the victimization of Bosniaks, planned for the sake of gaining certain rights on account of the position of the victim.
BASE
In: Polity, Band 41, Heft 4, S. 514-535
ISSN: 1744-1684
In: Environment and planning. C, Government and policy, Band 28, Heft 4, S. 630-645
ISSN: 1472-3425
That England has a hierarchical relationship between central and local government is a staple of postwar constitutional commentary. By using cultural theory's five modes of organisation—namely, hierarchies, markets, networks, autonomism, and fatalism—to analyse 109 interviews conducted with politicians and managers in nine local authorities I question the adequacy of this characterisation. While many of those interviewed did indeed describe the operation of a very hierarchical system, others pointed to the excesses of network and market forms of organisation. Others, still, seemed to think that local authorities enjoyed altogether too much autonomy in certain areas.
Acknowledgements 1 Introduction 2 National identity-building National identity; Discourse analysis and the study of national identity; Fomenting factors and actors in national identity-building processes 3 Scotland and Newfoundland in comparison Marriages of convenience, not of love: constitutional histories; In bed with elephants: socio-economics and politics; Scotch and the Rock: cultural heritage and identity 4 Scottish national identity and nationalism Tartanry and the cabbage bed: cultural nationalism in Scotland; Responding to the decline of Britain: political nationalism in Scotland, 1967-1979; The 1979 referendum: high expectations and the failure of political nationalism; Popular political nationalism, 1980-1997 5 Newfoundland national identity and nationalism Nations in the bosom: the development of Newfoundland ethnicity; 'Newfcult' and renaissance: cultural nationalism in modern Newfoundland; The dog that snarled: autonomism in Newfoundland, 1979-1989; Hibernation, 1989-2003 6 Images of self and other in Scottish newspapers The Scotsman, 1967-1979; The Scotsman, 1980-1990; Glasgow Herald, 1967-1979; Glasgow Herald, 1980-1990 7 Images of self and other in Newfoundland newspapers Daily News, 1967-1984; Evening Telegram, 1967-1979; Evening Telegram, 1979-1990 8 Conclusion Ethnic distinctness and national identity; Cultural nationalism and ethno-cultural arguments; Socio-economic decline, dependency and inequality; Stateless nations: central government neglect and a malfunctioning constitutional set-up; Alternatives to dependency, economic and political self-confidence, and social consensus; Pragmatic unionism, centralism and political nationalism; Autonomism in the early twenty-first century Bibliography Index
In: Politicka misao, Band 44, Heft 3, S. 121-144
The article investigates the historical discourse of the pivotal political & ideological "turning points" defining the national identity of Dalmatian Italians. Each period is represented by some political figures from the ranks of Dalmatian Italians such as Bajamonti, Duplancich & others. Some were (since 1848) nationally aware Italians opposed to the Austrian rule, e.g. Duplancich, Bajamonti or Nani. Others, also nationally aware Italians were fond of Austria more than of Italy e.g. Lapenna or Trigari, & were undecisive in their unequivocal adoption of the Italian identity. & finally, the third group, mostly of Slavic extraction e.g. Tommaseo, Marassovich & a plethora of Slavo-Dalmatians. "took on" the Italian national identity by gradually adopting Italian culture, usually through education. The prevalence of the Italian culture & the language, the domination of Italianists in municipal assemblies but also the systematic efforts & the gradual affirmation of the populist i.e. Croatian component, made for the dynamic political configuration of the then Dalmatia in which about 20,000 Italians were electorally privileged in relation to more than 400,000 Croats, & consequently were able to control the regional Sabor (parliament) & the municipal councils. The Dalmatian identity was largely identified as a superior urban civilization as opposed to the despised countryside beyond the city walls. Unlike the populist autonomism of Split, imbued with a powerful sense of campanilism. the Zadar autonomism was imposed from above with the purpose of unifying the elites of ethnic Italians, Germans & Croats. Since Zadar prevailed, its ideology of Dalmatianism led to Italianization, irredentism & eventually to the exodus of those whose Italian identity option was considered dominant & "the only right one.". Tables, References. Adapted from the source document.
In: da Rimini, Francesca. 2011, 'Networking the Container Project: a radical approach to digital literacy, creativity and social change', Acoustic Space (Special issue on 'Networks and Sustainability'), no. 10, pp. 157-72.
SSRN
http://www.histoire-politique.fr/documents/04/dossier/pdf/HP4-JulienFuchs-PDF.pdf ; International audience ; Le retour de l'Alsace dans la nation française après la Première Guerre mondiale est complexe sur le plan politique. La région est administrée depuis 1900 par un code civil local (qui reconnaît notamment le Concordat de 1801) qui ne peut subsister dans le cadre du centrisme républicain. Les mouvements de jeunesse locaux, dans la lignée de leurs hiérarchies religieuses, s'attachent alors à défendre une logique double : celle d'une pleine intégration dans la nation française qui garantirait malgré tout le respect de la "personnalité régionale" alsacienne. Dans ce cadre, ils luttent contre les politiques assimilationnistes repérables surtout dans la première moitié des années 1920. A partir de 1926, ils tentent également de se positionner face à une mouvance autonomiste de plus en plus virulente et portée par des groupes de jeunes radicalisés.
BASE
http://www.histoire-politique.fr/documents/04/dossier/pdf/HP4-JulienFuchs-PDF.pdf ; International audience ; Le retour de l'Alsace dans la nation française après la Première Guerre mondiale est complexe sur le plan politique. La région est administrée depuis 1900 par un code civil local (qui reconnaît notamment le Concordat de 1801) qui ne peut subsister dans le cadre du centrisme républicain. Les mouvements de jeunesse locaux, dans la lignée de leurs hiérarchies religieuses, s'attachent alors à défendre une logique double : celle d'une pleine intégration dans la nation française qui garantirait malgré tout le respect de la "personnalité régionale" alsacienne. Dans ce cadre, ils luttent contre les politiques assimilationnistes repérables surtout dans la première moitié des années 1920. A partir de 1926, ils tentent également de se positionner face à une mouvance autonomiste de plus en plus virulente et portée par des groupes de jeunes radicalisés.
BASE
http://www.histoire-politique.fr/documents/04/dossier/pdf/HP4-JulienFuchs-PDF.pdf ; International audience ; Le retour de l'Alsace dans la nation française après la Première Guerre mondiale est complexe sur le plan politique. La région est administrée depuis 1900 par un code civil local (qui reconnaît notamment le Concordat de 1801) qui ne peut subsister dans le cadre du centrisme républicain. Les mouvements de jeunesse locaux, dans la lignée de leurs hiérarchies religieuses, s'attachent alors à défendre une logique double : celle d'une pleine intégration dans la nation française qui garantirait malgré tout le respect de la "personnalité régionale" alsacienne. Dans ce cadre, ils luttent contre les politiques assimilationnistes repérables surtout dans la première moitié des années 1920. A partir de 1926, ils tentent également de se positionner face à une mouvance autonomiste de plus en plus virulente et portée par des groupes de jeunes radicalisés.
BASE
Intro -- CONTENTS -- ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS -- I Introduction to the Issues -- 1 NEGATIVITY AND REVOLUTION: ADORNO AND POLITICAL ACTIVISM -- 2 WHY ADORNO? -- 3 PIED PIPERS AND POLYMATHS: ADORNO'S CRITIQUE OF PRAXISISM -- II Negative Dialectics versus Neo-Structuralism -- 4 ANTAGONISM AND DIFFERENCE: NEGATIVE DIALECTICS AND POST-STRUCTURALISM IN VIEW OF THE CRITIQUE OF MODERN CAPITALISM -- 5 ADORNO AND POST-VANGUARDISM -- 6 NEGATIVE AND POSITIVE AUTONOMISM. OR WHY ADORNO? PART 2 -- III Emancipation and the Critique of Totality -- 7 ADORNO: THE CONCEPTUAL PRISON OF THE SUBJECT, POLITICAL FETISHISM AND CLASS STRUGGLE -- 8 EMANCIPATORY PRAXIS AND CONCEPTUALITY IN ADORNO -- IV The Politics of Sexuality and Art -- 9 ADORNO, NON-IDENTITY, SEXUALITY -- 10 SOLIDARITY WITH THE FALL OF METAPHYSICS: NEGATIVITY AND HOPE -- 11 MIMESIS AND DISTANCE: ARTS AND THE SOCIAL IN ADORNO'S THOUGHT -- LIST OF CONTRIBUTORS -- NAME INDEX -- SUBJECT INDEX.