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The analysis of digital activism has so far been dominated by a techno-determinist approach which views the content of various forms of activism supported by digital communication, as directly reflecting the properties of the technologies utilised by activists and the historical evolution of such technologies. This line of interpretation has been manifested in the popularity acquired by notions as "Twitter protest" or "revolution 2.0" in the news media and in academic discourse in reference to recent protests. Moving beyond this reductionist trend, this article proposes an ideological approach to the study of digital activism and its historical transformation, which may better account for the combination of political, cultural and social factors involved in shaping it. I identity two main waves of digital activism, which correspond not only to two phases of technological development of the Internet (the so-called web 1.0 and web 2.0), but also to two different protest waves, the anti-globalisation movement, and the movement of the squares that began in 2011, each with its own dominant ideology. I argue that reflecting the seismic shift in perceptions and attitudes produced by the 2008 financial crash, and the connected shifts in social movement ideology, digital activism has moved from the margins to the centre of the political arena, from a countercultural posture to a counterhegemonic ambition. I describe this turn as a transition from cyber-autonomism to cyber-populism as the two defining techno-political orientations of the first and second wave of digital activism. Reflecting the influence of neo-anarchism and autonomism in the anti-globalisation movement cyber-autonomism viewed the Internet as an autonomous space where to construct a countercultural politics outside the mainstream. To the contrary, informed by the populist turn taken by 2011 and post-2011 movements cyber-populism approaches the Internet as a "popular space", a generic space which is populated by ordinary citizens, and mostly dedicated to non-political activities, such as gossip, celebrity culture, or interpersonal communication, but which can nevertheless be politicised, and turned towards the purpose of popular mobilisation against the neoliberal elites responsible for economic and social disarray. This shift which substantially modifies the way in which activists conceives of and utilise digital media goes a long way towards explaining the differences in digital activism practices, and their contrasting views of the Internet as a tool and site of struggle.

Abstract Lying in the Baltic sea, at the entrance of the Gulf of Bothnia, 70km from the Finnish coast and 36 km from that of Sweden, the archipelago of Åland is an autonomous Finnish province. What distinguishes the archipelago is its Swedish monolingualism, autonomous government recognized by international treaties, and demilitarization. This article proposes some reflections on the concept of sovereignty in Åland in the 20th century particularly on two key elements the island's strategic position and its autonomy. After a historical overview of Åland in the 1800s, emphasizing their strategic relevance in the Baltic, I will focus on the irredentist period, in which emerged secessionist movement that called for the island's anexation to Sweden.

Defence date: 23 November 2007 ; Examining Board: Prof. Raffaele Romanelli, La Sapienza University, Rome ; Prof. Marina Cattaruzza, University of Bern ; Prof. Drago Roksandić, University of Zagred ; Prof. Heinz Gerhard Haupt, EUI-HEC ; This thesis is made available in Open Access in October 2018 as requested and wanted by the family of the author who tragically was killed on 31 January 2015. It is his family's desire that the author's research is open and available to all. ; no abstract available

Forty years ago the current Spanish constitution was adopted marking the transition to democracy after decades of francism and introducing the basic norms and principles on which the modern regional political-administrative system of Spain was formed - what is commonly called the "state of autonomy". This project built on the basis of a consensus of general Spanish and regional political forces and recognizing the principles of solidarity and the economic equilibrium of autonomy was a promising attempt to resolve the new national-regional problems of the country. For four decades, the developing and complex organism of the "state of autonomy" has gone through several stages of formation, but has now come close to the critical moment of its development.The article attempts to give a general overview of the circumstances and main stages of the formation of Spanish autonomy system (including the perspective of its further development), some of its debatable aspects in the European context and taking into account the significance of the Spanish experience for Russia. ; Сорок лет назад была принята ныне действующая испанская конституция, ознаменовавшая переход к демократии после десятилетий франкизма, и вводившая основные нормы и принципы, на которых сформировалась современная региональная политико-административная система Испании – то, что принято называть «государством автономий». Этот проект, построенный на основе консенсуса общеиспанских и региональных политических сил, признающий принципы солидарности и экономического равновесия автономий, стал многообещающей попыткой разрешения в новых условиях национально-региональных проблем страны. Развивающийся и сложный организм «государства автономий» за четыре десятилетия пережил несколько этапов становления, но в настоящее время вплотную подошёл к критическому моменту своего развития.В статье делается попытка общего обзора обстоятельств и основных стадий формирования системы испанского автономизма (в том числе с точки зрения перспектив его дальнейшего развития), некоторых его дискуссионных аспектов в европейском контексте и с учётом значения испанского опыта для России.

Although Constitutionalist movements have been a constant in the history of Cuba, it curiously was the last colony in achieving independence. He present work aims to delve in the knowledge of them first movements in favour of the independence concerning the metropolis and in the study of them projects constitutional until it independence final, as well as in the treatment of them constitutions Cuban: the form in that is organizes the power political and territorial, and them rights and freedoms of the people Cuban the first Cuban Constitution until the current revolution, whose system is not addressed, since that the scope of this study lood. ; Aunque los movimientos constitucionalistas han sido una constante en la historia de Cuba, curiosamente fue la última colonia americana en alcanzar la independencia. El presente trabajo pretende ahondar en el conocimiento de los primeros movimientos en favor de la independencia respecto a la metrópoli y en el estudio de los proyectos constitucionales hasta la independencia definitiva, así como en el tratamiento de las Constituciones cubanas: la forma en que se organiza el poder político y territorial, y los derechos y libertades del pueblo cubano, desde la primera Constitución cubana hasta la revolución vigente, cuyo sistema no es afrontado, puesto que desbordaría el ámbito de este estudio.Although Constitutionalist movements have been a constant in the history of Cuba, it curiously was the last colony in achieving independence. He present work aims to delve in the knowledge of them first movements in favour of the independence concerning the metropolis and in the study of them projects constitutional until it independence final, as well as in the treatment of them constitutions Cuban: the form in that is organizes the power political and territorial, and them rights and freedoms of the people Cuban the first Cuban Constitution until the current revolution, whose system is not addressed, since that the scope of this study lood.

From a gender history perspective, the actions of the State and the Women and Feminist Movement of Uruguay are taken into account, including the weight of the regional and international conjuncture. Through the analysis of primary sources, such as the feminist press of the time, I analyzed the transformations of the interpretative framework of the Movement of Women and Feminists of Uruguay between 1984 and 1988 related to «violence against women». The investigation traced the construction process of the domestic violence category, its problematization and transformation of private matter to political/public problem that demands the action of the State; whose first milestone was the creation of the Women's Police Station, the second of its kind in all of South America. It was concluded that the creation of the Women's Police Station due to special boost women's movement and feminist in the exercise of their autonomy and synergy between a favorable international situation and the need to re-legitimization of the Uruguayan State. ; Desde una perspectiva de historia de género se aborda el accionar del Estado y del movimiento de mujeres y feminista del Uruguay teniendo en cuenta el peso de la coyuntura regional e internacional. A través del análisis de fuentes primarias, como la prensa feminista de época, analicé las transformaciones del marco interpretativo del movimiento de mujeres y feminista del Uruguay entre 1984 y 1988 relativas a la «violencia contra las mujeres». La investigación rastreó el proceso de construcción de la categoría violencia doméstica, su problematización y transformación de asunto privado a problema político/público que reclama la acción del Estado, cuyo primer mojón fue la creación de la Comisaría de la Mujer, segunda en su tipo en toda Sudamérica. Se concluyó que la creación de la Comisaría de la Mujer obedece al especial impulso del Movimiento de mujeres y feminista en el ejercicio de su autonomía y la sinergia entre una coyuntura internacional favorable y la necesidad de relegitimación del Estado uruguayo.

This paper aims to provide an analytical framework capable of critically analysing the currently hegemonic phenomenon of smart cities in the contemporary metropolis, particularly concerning their assumptions and potential effects. Using a critical perspective through the scope of Governmentality Studies and autonomist literature, our intention is to present an analytical framework that allows for the comprehension and critical analysis of the phenomenon in question. Both this theoretical review and the analytical framework will form the basis for a critical analysis of a case study in Dublin, taken as an example of the diversity of phenomena and issues to be addressed in this paper. The case study concerns a project by See.Sense, a company located in Dublin, which involved the introduction of 500 bike lights with IoT and digital technology in its urban space, this being an example of urban experimentation within smart cities. The article concludes by defending that the phenomenon in question constitutes not only a form of technological mediation and economic production, but also a transformation of urban space and its subjects and population, implying a structuring of social practices and relationships. ; info:eu-repo/semantics/acceptedVersion

В статье анализируется феномен крымского автономизма в аксиологическом измерении. Институт крымской автономии рассматриваются в кросс-исторической ретроспективе, с учетом взаимосвязи данного института с теми или иными политическими ценностями. Особый акцент делается на исследовании феномена крымского автономизма в контексте воссоединения Крыма с Россией. Делается вывод о том, что события «Крымской весны» расширили аксиологическое поле российской политики и российской истории, активизировали патриотические настроения (и шире патриотическое сознание) жителей России ; Phenomenon of Crimean autonomism in value dimension is analyzed. Institute of Crimean autonomy in cross-historical retrospective is considered, taking into account correlation of this institute with certain political values. Phenomenon of Crimean autonomism in the context of the reunification of Crimea with Russia is emphasized. The author concludes that events of the «Crimean Spring» extended axiological field of Russian politics and Russian history, stepped up patriotic sentiment (and wider patriotic consciousness) of Russian residents

International audience ; Zaragoza is the capital of the present Autonomous Community of Aragon. Until the decrees of Nueva Planta (1707), it was the capital of the Kingdom of Aragon. During Francoism, when it was only the capital of the province of the same name, it played the role of economic, cultural and academic capital not only of Aragon but also of an important part of the Ebro Valley and the North-East of the Iberian Peninsula. The rural exodus emptied the Aragonese countryside and fostered the consolidation of Zaragoza as the undisputed capital. "Saragossian macrocephaly" was born. This paper will examine how Zaragoza has "naturally" converted into the political capital of autonomous Aragon, at the same time as it has become the capital of an inner and emptied Spain (with the exception of Madrid) which exercises a form of Iberian synthesis located in a transitional territory (Aragon) between inner and peripheral Spain, monolingual and bilingual ; Saragosse est la capitale de l'actuelle Communauté Autonome d'Aragon. Jusqu'aux décrets de Nueva Planta (1707), elle fut la capitale du Royaume d'Aragon. Pendant le franquisme, alors qu'elle n'était que le chef-lieu de la province homonyme, elle a joué le rôle de capitale économique, culturelle et universitaire non seulement de l'Aragon mais aussi d'une partie importante de la vallée de l'Èbre et du Nord-Est de la péninsule ibérique. L'exode rural a vidé la campagne aragonaise et a favorisé la consolidation de Saragosse comme capitale incontestée ; la « macrocéphalie saragossaise » était née. Il s'agira de voir comment Saragosse s'est convertie « naturellement » en capitale politique de l'Aragon autonome, en même temps qu'elle est devenue la capitale d'une Espagne intérieure et vidée (à l'exception de Madrid) qui exerce une forme de synthèse ibérique située dans un territoire de transition (l'Aragon) entre l'Espagne intérieure et périphérique, monolingue et bilingue.

International audience ; Zaragoza is the capital of the present Autonomous Community of Aragon. Until the decrees of Nueva Planta (1707), it was the capital of the Kingdom of Aragon. During Francoism, when it was only the capital of the province of the same name, it played the role of economic, cultural and academic capital not only of Aragon but also of an important part of the Ebro Valley and the North-East of the Iberian Peninsula. The rural exodus emptied the Aragonese countryside and fostered the consolidation of Zaragoza as the undisputed capital. "Saragossian macrocephaly" was born. This paper will examine how Zaragoza has "naturally" converted into the political capital of autonomous Aragon, at the same time as it has become the capital of an inner and emptied Spain (with the exception of Madrid) which exercises a form of Iberian synthesis located in a transitional territory (Aragon) between inner and peripheral Spain, monolingual and bilingual ; Saragosse est la capitale de l'actuelle Communauté Autonome d'Aragon. Jusqu'aux décrets de Nueva Planta (1707), elle fut la capitale du Royaume d'Aragon. Pendant le franquisme, alors qu'elle n'était que le chef-lieu de la province homonyme, elle a joué le rôle de capitale économique, culturelle et universitaire non seulement de l'Aragon mais aussi d'une partie importante de la vallée de l'Èbre et du Nord-Est de la péninsule ibérique. L'exode rural a vidé la campagne aragonaise et a favorisé la consolidation de Saragosse comme capitale incontestée ; la « macrocéphalie saragossaise » était née. Il s'agira de voir comment Saragosse s'est convertie « naturellement » en capitale politique de l'Aragon autonome, en même temps qu'elle est devenue la capitale d'une Espagne intérieure et vidée (à l'exception de Madrid) qui exerce une forme de synthèse ibérique située dans un territoire de transition (l'Aragon) entre l'Espagne intérieure et périphérique, monolingue et bilingue.

This paper aims to show the way that a small and subordinated city located to the northwest of the viceroyalty of the Rio de la Plata understood the "autonomy" between 1810-11. Being part of the Spanish monarchy, San Miguel de Tucumán had to find a way to overcome the crisis of this monarchy by the time that sovereignty was in fact exercised by the revolutionary government and the peoples of the viceroyalty of the Río de la Plata. The city dealt with more than one way of thinking about its relationships. That was not underlined enough by a historiography that emphasized the capital city prevalence as well as Tucuman´s subordination to Buenos Aires. To support this statement this research followed the representative itinerary at the Junta Grande. ; El propósito de este trabajo es comprender el modo en que los habitantes de una ciudad subordinada del virreinato del Río de la Plata entendían y practicaban la autonomía en relación con el gobierno revolucionario con sede en Buenos Aires y con las autoridades peninsulares en tiempos de ejercicio de la soberanía de hecho. Con ese fin se reconstruye el itinerario de la representación política de San Miguel de Tucumán en la Junta Grande. Se postula que el pueblo de Tucumán entendió la autonomía atendiendo a diversas opciones que no fueron suficientemente subrayadas por la historiografía. This paper aims to show the way that a small and subordinated city located to the northwest of the viceroyalty of the River Plate understood the 'autonomy' between 1810-11. Being part of the Spanish monarchy, San Miguel de Tucumán had to find a way to overcome the crisis of this monarchy by the time that sovereignty was in fact exercised by the revolutionary government and the peoples of the viceroyalty of the River Plate. The city dealt with more than one way of thinking about its relationships. That was not underlined enough by a historiography that emphasized the capital city prevalence as well as Tucuman´s subordination to Buenos Aires. To support this statement this research followed the representative itinerary at the Junta Grande.

This paper seeks to embed into a broader narrative on the political thought of the West German student movement a reading of Schmid's 1975 text in «Autonomie», which synthesized the SDS anti-authoritarians' tradition of a politicized critique of late capitalism with the autonomist impulse in Italian "operaismo". It is argued that in holding out the promise of revolutionary practice in the absence of revolutionary organization, Schmid displaced the very notion of revolutionary practice from the system to the subject level - an issue raised by Kraushaar's 1978 critique of a «ghettoized» milieu consumed by the «radicalization of its own life context». The trans-localization of the alternative milieu, particularly in the form of Green Lists and «die tageszeitung», was subsequently justified by milieu actors as a breakout from the ghetto, but would in turn undermine the milieu's autonomist foundations. Ultimately, Kraushaar's conundrum of «autonomy or ghetto» remained unresolved - reflecting the extra-parliamentary left's inability to integrate strategies of milieu and offensive into a unifying strategy, as Dutschke's 1967 essay "The Long March" had enjoined it to do; the Greens' subsequent entry into parliaments was an expression of the abandonment, not the beginning, of a «long march through the institutions».

The Second World War found Bosniaks politically disunited. Four different and mutually opposed political and military options – pro-Serbian, pro-Croatian, Communist and Autonomist – operated within the country. The constitution of the contemporary Bosniak political subject in the 1920s by means of the politics of memory takes as referential points from the past only the shared moment of anti-fascist struggle. The new politics of identity largely relies upon the so called 'Resolutions of Towns' – protests on the part of Bosniak citizens against the fascist killings of Jewish and Roma citizens after the establishment of the Independent State of Croatia. Another frequently highlighted moment is the victimization of Bosniaks, planned for the sake of gaining certain rights on account of the position of the victim.

Originally from Haute-Alsace, Charles Hueber was already involved in the social democratic movement at a young age. After serving in the German army during the Great War, he participated in the short-lived Revolution of November 1918. Back in France, Hueber became a supporter of the Third International and remained one of the founders of the French Communist Party. Elected deputy in 1924, he created many incidents by speaking in Alsatian in the hemicycle. The question of the autonomy and self-determination of Alsace-Lorraine becomes central in Hueber's political thought. Thanks to an alliance concluded with the autonomists, he was elected mayor of Strasbourg in May 1929. Because of this alliance, he was excluded from the PC and founded the KP-O, a dissident PC. Hueber was not re-elected mayor in 1935. After that, he accentuated his pro-Nazi drift, even though he supported the Popular Front in 1936. Escaping arrest in 1939, Hueber threw himself into the arms of the Nazis in June 1940. He died in August 1943 and enjoyed a grandiose funeral. ; Originaire de Haute-Alsace, Charles Hueber s'engage très jeune dans le mouvement social-démocrate. Après avoir servi dans l'armée allemande durant la Grande Guerre, il participe à la Révolution de novembre 1918. De retour en France, Hueber devient un partisan de la IIIe Internationale et est un des fondateurs du PC français. Élu député en 1924, il crée de nombreux incidents en intervenant en alsacien dans l'hémicycle. La question de l'autonomie et de l'autodétermination de l'Alsace-Lorraine devient centrale dans la pensée politique de Hueber. Grâce à une alliance conclue avec les autonomistes, il est élu maire de Strasbourg en mai 1929. À cause de cette alliance, il est exclu du PC et fonde le KP-O, un PC dissident. Hueber n'est pas réélu maire en 1935. Après cela, il accentue sa dérive pronazie, même s'il soutient le Front populaire en 1936. Échappant à l'arrestation en 1939, Hueber se met au service des nazis en juin 1940. Il décède en août 1943 et bénéficie de funérailles ...

The struggle against censorship was one of the priorities of the Partido Liberal Autonomista, founded in Havana in 1878. However, from the definitive abolition of slavery in 1886, the autonomists sought to create mechanisms set aside to better control the "subordinate"classes of society (such as black people, workers, women, youth, etc.). The method they employed consisted of opening up the institutions that they controlled with the objective of indoctrinating autonomist' ideology and preventing the dissemination of independent ideas. By underestimating the capacity of subordinate groups to create their own political expressions, autonomists added extra coercion on them, forbidding a possible cooperation on the construction of a post-slavery, and eventually post-colonial society in Cuba. ; La lucha por la libertad de expresión, especialmente a través de la prensa, constituyó una de las prioridades del Partido Liberal Autonomista, fundado en La Habana en 1878. Sin embargo, a partir de la abolición definitiva de la esclavitud en 1886, los autonomistas se esforzaron por crear o desarrollar ciertos mecanismos destinados a ejercer un determinado control sobre las clases subalternas de la sociedad (negros, obreros, mujeres, jóvenes…). El método empleado consistía básicamente en darles entrada en las instituciones que controlaban con el objetivo de inculcarles la ideología autonomista, evitando así que desarrollaran un discurso independiente. Ahora bien, al subestimar la capacidad de los grupos subalternos para crear sus propias expresiones políticas, los autonomistas se convirtieron en un elemento más de coacción sobre aquellos, impidiendo que confluyeran con ellos en la construcción de una sociedad posesclavista y eventualmente poscolonial en Cuba. ; La lutte pour la liberté d'expression, notamment à travers de la presse, constitua l'un des principaux chevaux de bataille du Partido Liberal Autonomista fondé à La Havane en 1878. Cependant, à partir de l'abolition définitive de l'esclavage en 1886, les autonomistes s'efforcèrent de créer ou de développer des mécanismes destinés à exercer un certain contrôle sur les classes subalternes de la société (tels que les noirs, les ouvriers, les femmes ou les jeunes). La méthode employée consistait à leur ouvrir la porte des institutions qu'ils contrôlaient dans le but de leur y inculquer l'idéologie autonomiste, évitant par-là qu'ils élaborent un discours indépendant. Or, en sous-estimant la capacité des groupes subalternes à créer leurs propres expressions politiques, les autonomistes assumèrent le rôle d'un élément de coercition supplémentaire sur ces secteurs, les empêchant de confluer avec eux vers la construction d'une société post-esclavagiste et éventuellement post-coloniale à Cuba.